Roots and the Derivation

2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-517 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason D. Haugen ◽  
Daniel Siddiqi
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Recent Work ◽  
Additional Data ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Noun Incorporation ◽  
Direct Objects ◽  
Syntactic Derivation ◽  
Late Insertion

Contrary to recent work in Distributed Morphology adopting Early Root Insertion (the notion that Roots are present from the outset of the syntactic derivation), we argue that Late Insertion applies to Roots just like other morphemes. We support this conclusion with empirical evidence (Root suppletion and hyponymous direct objects in noun incorporation and related constructions) and conceptual considerations (including the beneficial obviation of readjustment operations and the possibility that narrow syntax is universal). Additional data (Latin semideponent verbs) allow us to recast Embick’s (2000) licensing analysis of Latin deponent verbs as a further argument for Late Root Insertion.

Roots, their structure and consequences for derivational timing

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-387
Author(s):  
Ivona Kučerová ◽  
Adam Szczegielniak
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Recent Work ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Precise Nature ◽  
Methodological Question ◽  
Syntactic Feature ◽  
Syntactic Features

Abstract Recent work in Distributed Morphology, most prominently Harley (2014), argues for roots being able to take syntactic complements, which opens the door for the possibility of having syntactic features within a root’s representation – something most DM literature rejects (Embick 2015). Upon a closer inspection of the arguments presented in the literature, it is not clear whether the disagreement has an empirical underpinning, or whether it stems from the lack of methodological clarity as far as the identification of the precise nature of what constitutes a syntactic feature. This paper takes this methodological question seriously and investigates a type of derivational behavior that, in our view, provides a decisive argument for the presence of syntactic features on roots. We argue that the presence of a syntactic feature on the root can be conclusively established based on a feature’s impact on specific properties within a larger syntactic structure. Based on empirical evidence form gender agreement phenomena, we introduce a model of grammar that distinguishes roots with syntactic features from those which do not have them. We propose that such a distinction between roots will manifest itself in the timing of root insertion – roots without syntactic features are late inserted, while roots with syntactic features must be early inserted.

scholarly journals Relativized Prosodic Domains: A Late-Insertion Account of German Plurals

Languages ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 142
Author(s):  
Katharina S. Schuhmann ◽  
Michael T. Putnam
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Syntactic Structures ◽  
Prosodic Word ◽  
Word Level ◽  
Foot Structure ◽  
Prosodic Boundaries ◽  
Phase Impenetrability Condition ◽  
Late Insertion

In late-insertion, realizational models of morphology such as Distributed Morphology (DM), the insertion of Vocabulary Items (VIs) is conditioned by cyclic operations in the syntax. This paper explores whether an isomorphic relationship can be established between cyclic operations such as phases and prosodic domains. In the spirit of D’Alessandro and Scheer’s (2015) proposal of a Modular Phase Impenetrability Condition (MPIC), we strive to provide an analysis in which prosodic boundaries in even smaller, word-level-like syntactic structures—the ‘lexical domain’—can be identified solely within the syntax. We propose a DM-account for the distribution of nominal plural exponency in German, which reveals a dominant trend for a trochaic-foot structure for all but -s-plural exponents (Wiese 2001, 2009). Inspired by Gouskova’s (2019) and Svenonius’ (2016) work concerning the prosody–morphology interface, we argue that the index of a Prosodic Word ω in non-s-plurals is associated with a specific feature configuration. We propose that only a n[+pl(ural)] configuration, in which the nominalizing head n hosts the SynSem-feature Num(ber)[+pl(ural)], rather than a general cyclic categorizing phase head such as n, indexes a Prosodic Word ω for nominal plural exponents in (Standard) German. Based on this empirical evidence from German plural exponency, we argue that (i) prosodic boundaries can be established directly by syntactic structures, (ii) these prosodic boundaries condition VI insertion during the initial stages of Spell-Out, and (iii) prosodic domains are based on individual languages’ syntactic structures and feature configurations, and are thus relativized and language-specific in nature.

Suppletive verbal morphology in Korean and the mechanism of vocabulary insertion

2009 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 533-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
INKIE CHUNG
Keyword(s):  
Short Form ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Morphological Operations ◽  
Verbal Morphology ◽  
Phonological Features ◽  
Vocabulary Insertion ◽  
Correct Form ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Feature Negative ◽  
Late Insertion

This paper provides a Distributed Morphology analysis of the paradoxical interaction of the two cases of verbal suppletion in Korean, and argues that the two suppletion types are characterized by two different types of morphological operations. The two roots found with short-form negation and honorification suggest different morphological structures: [[Neg-V] Hon] for al- ‘know’, molu- ‘not.know’, a-si- ‘know-hon’, molu-si- (not *an(i) a-si-) ‘neg know-hon’; and [Neg [V-Hon]] for iss- ‘exist’, eps- ‘not.exist’, kyey-si- ‘exist-hon’, an(i) kyey-si- (not *eps-(u)-si-) ‘neg exist-hon’. Predicate repetition constructions support the [[Neg-V] Hon] structure. In this structure, however, the negative suppletion (analyzed as fusion of negation and the root) is blocked by the honorific suffix structurally more peripheral to the root. C-command is the only requirement for context allomorphy in Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993). Since the [+hon] feature c-commands the root, the root can show honorific suppletive allomorphy in the first cycle with negation intervening between the root and [+hon]. Negation fusion occurs in the second cycle after vocabulary insertion of the root. Fusion, then, should refer to vocabulary items, not abstract features, and will be interleaved with vocabulary insertion. If the output of the root is /kyey/ due to the honorific feature, negative suppletion will not apply and the correct form an(i) kyey-si- will be derived. Therefore, both of the distinct morphological operations for suppletion, i.e., fusion and contextual allomorphy, are necessary. The revised formulation of fusion shows that certain morphological operations follow vocabulary insertion. This derivational approach to the suppletion interaction provides support for separation of phonological and nonphonological features and for late insertion of phonological features.

scholarly journals Morphological taxonomy in the present-day generative framework: A case study of English and Czech nominalization

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Ludmila Veselovská
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Models ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Morphological Taxonomy ◽  
Parallel Data ◽  
Syntactic Derivation

Abstract This paper addresses the classification of morphemes in a generative framework. Referring to existing theoretical models of generative morphosyntax (e.g. Distributed Morphology), it demonstrates that a traditional long-standing taxonomic distinction reflects formal, i.e. structural (and derivational) distinctions. Using the well-known examples of the English multi-functional nominalizer -ing and some parallel data in Czech, the study reinterprets morphological taxonomy in terms of three levels, namely the (i) lexical, (ii) syntactic and (iii) post-syntactic insertion of grammatical formatives. It shows that the level of insertion in a syntactic derivation results in predictable (and attested) diagnostics for the multi-morpheme exponents.

Mechanistic versus Functional Understanding

2019 ◽  
pp. 209-230
Author(s):  
Tania Lombrozo ◽  
Daniel Wilkenfeld
Keyword(s):  
Philosophy Of Science ◽  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Recent Work ◽  
Developmental Psychology ◽  
Causal Processes ◽  
Functional Understanding

Many natural and artificial entities can be predicted and explained both mechanistically, in term of parts and proximate causal processes, as well as functionally, in terms of functions and goals. Do these distinct “stances” or “modes of construal” support fundamentally different kinds of understanding? Based on recent work in epistemology and philosophy of science, as well as empirical evidence from cognitive and developmental psychology, this chapter argues for the “weak differentiation thesis”: the claim that mechanistic and functional understanding are distinct in that they involve importantly different objects. The chapter also considers more tentative arguments for the “strong differentiation thesis”: the claim that mechanistic and functional understanding involve different epistemic relationships between mind and world.

Whither Parties? Hume on Partisanship and Political Legitimacy

2017 ◽  
Vol 112 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOEL E. LANDIS
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Recent Work ◽  
David Hume ◽  
Essential Role ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Proper Function ◽  
Psychological Experience ◽  
The Ideal

Recent work by party scholars reveals a widening gap between the normative ideals we set out for political parties and the empirical evidence that reveals their deep and perhaps insurmountable shortcomings in realizing these ideals. This disjunction invites us to consider the perspective of David Hume, who offers a theory of the value and proper function of parties that is resilient to the pessimistic findings of recent empirical scholarship. I analyze Hume's writings to show that the psychological experience of party informs the opinions by which governments can be considered legitimate. Hume thus invites us to consider the essential role parties might play in securing legitimacy as that ideal is practiced or understood by citizens, independent of the ideal understandings of legitimacy currently being articulated by theorists. My analysis contributes to both recent party scholarship and to our understanding of the role of parties in Hume's theory of allegiance.

Subgrouping of Coahuitlán Totonac

2016 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-117
Author(s):  
Devin Moore
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Internal Structure ◽  
Recent Work ◽  
Computational Methods ◽  
Quantitative Methods ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
The Other ◽  
Family Tree ◽  
The Family ◽  
Northern Branch

AbstractCoahuitlán Totonac is spoken in Veracruz, Mexico, and has been variously ascribed to two different branches of the Totonacan family tree. While recent work has begun to bring empirical evidence to the internal structure of this family tree, there remain several important areas of disagreement, in addition to the disputed affiliation of Coahuitlán. This article informs the family tree and demonstrates that Coahuitlán belongs to the Northern branch using shared innovations and two computational methods. The comparative method seeks sets of shared innovations for evidence of subgrouping. This article presents proposed shared innovations in phonology, morphology, and lexicon, which fall into two sets, one belonging to the Sierra and Lowland branches, and the other belonging to the Northern. Coahuitlán Totonac overwhelmingly shares innovations found in Northern languages and lacks innovations found in Sierra. Two quantitative methods are also used to show that Coahuitlán groups groups closely with other Northern languages.

scholarly journals How Does Knowledge of the AUC Constrain the Set of Possible Ground-Truth Labelings?

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 5425-5432
Author(s):  
Jacob Whitehill
Keyword(s):  
Machine Learning ◽  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Recent Work ◽  
Roc Curve ◽  
Binary Classification ◽  
Ground Truth ◽  
Mathematical Structure ◽  
Test Set ◽  
Classification Tasks ◽  
N Vector

Recent work on privacy-preserving machine learning has considered how datamining competitions such as Kaggle could potentially be “hacked”, either intentionally or inadvertently, by using information from an oracle that reports a classifier’s accuracy on the test set (Blum and Hardt 2015; Hardt and Ullman 2014; Zheng 2015; Whitehill 2016). For binary classification tasks in particular, one of the most common accuracy metrics is the Area Under the ROC Curve (AUC), and in this paper we explore the mathematical structure of how the AUC is computed from an n-vector of real-valued “guesses” with respect to the ground-truth labels. Under the assumption of perfect knowledge of the test set AUC c=p/q, we show how knowing c constrains the set W of possible ground-truth labelings, and we derive an algorithm both to compute the exact number of such labelings and to enumerate efficiently over them. We also provide empirical evidence that, surprisingly, the number of compatible labelings can actually decrease as n grows, until a test set-dependent threshold is reached. Finally, we show how W can be efficiently whittled down, through pairs of oracle queries, to infer all the groundtruth test labels with complete certainty.

scholarly journals Binding German (In)direct Objects: Spell-Out Strategies for Disambiguation

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Nicholas Twiner ◽  
Vera Lee-Schoenfeld
Keyword(s):  
Direct Object ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Double Object ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
Binding Data ◽  
Acceptability Rating ◽  
Canonical Surface ◽  
Direct Objects ◽  
Case Licensing ◽  
Idiomatic Meaning

Despite Grewendorf’s (1988) well-known German binding data with the double-object verb zeigen ‘show’, which suggests that the direct object (DO) is generated higher than the indirect object (IO), this paper argues for the canonical surface order of IO>DO as base order. Highlighting the exceptional status of Grewendorf's examples, building on Featherston & Sternefeld’s (2003) quantitative acceptability rating study, and exploiting the fact that zeigen can also be used as inherently reflexive with idiomatic meaning, and we appeal to Bruening's (2010) theory of idiom formation as well as the Encyclopedia within Distributed Morphology (Marantz 1997, Embick & Noyer 2007) and propose a flexible Spell-Out mechanism within a derivational approach to binding (e.g. Hornstein 2001 and Zwart 2002) that can override narrow syntactic case licensing by realizing nominals with different morphological case.

scholarly journals Stability of Personality Traits in Adulthood

GeroPsych ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathias Allemand ◽  
Andrea E. Steiger ◽  
Patrick L. Hill
Keyword(s):  
Personality Traits ◽  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Recent Work ◽  
Developmental Theory ◽  
Fundamental Concept ◽  
Trait Stability ◽  
Theory Research

Stability represents a fundamental concept in developmental theory and research. In this article we give an overview of recent work on personality traits and their stability in adulthood. First, we define personality traits and stability. Second, we present empirical evidence supporting change and stability of personality traits across the adult years with respect to conceptually and statistically different forms of stability. Third, we describe mechanisms and processes that enable trait stability. Finally, we discuss implications of trait stability for theory, research, and application.

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