Stress Uniformity in Albanian: Morphological Arguments for Cyclicity
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The uniformity of stress assignment across inflectional forms in Albanian leads to massive phonological opacity, which seems to lend itself either to paradigmatic output-output constraints ( Benua 1997 , McCarthy 2005 ) or to a stratal organization of phonology ( Kiparsky 2000 , Bermúdez-Otero 2008 ) where inflected word forms preserve the stress assigned to stems at an earlier stratum. In this article, I show that a detailed analysis of Albanian morphology provides strong evidence for a stratal account: stress position in inflected word forms is correctly predicted by their stems, but not by ( partially defective) paradigms.
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2019 ◽
pp. 147-178
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2018 ◽
2010 ◽
Vol 17
(1)
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pp. 25-32
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2009 ◽
Vol 19
(3)
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pp. 97-102
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