Acoustic vowel space in pre‐/r/ contexts: Shetland and American English.

2009 ◽  
Vol 125 (4) ◽  
pp. 2698-2698
Author(s):  
Peter Sundkvist
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 01004
Author(s):  
William L. Martens ◽  
Rui Wang

When native speakers of Japanese are taught English as a second language, there are difficulties with their training in pronunciation of American English vowels that can be ameliorated though adaptive recognition of the learner’s vowel space. This paper reports on the development of an online Computer-Assisted Language Learning (CALL) environment that provides Japanese learners with customized target utterances of 12 single-syllable words that are synthesized according to an adaptive recognition of the learner’s vowel space. These customized target utterances provide each learner with examples of each of 12 American English monophthongs in consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) context in order to sound as if they had been uttered by the learners themselves. This adaptive process was incorporated into a successfully developed tool for Computer-Assisted Pronunciation Training (CAPT) which gave more appropriate pronunciation targets to each learner, rather than forcing the learners to attempt to match the formant frequencies of their own utterances to those of the target utterances as produced by a speaker exhibiting a different vowel space (i.e., a speaker with a different vocal tract length).


Author(s):  
Robert Hagiwara

AbstractGeneral properties of the Canadian English vowel space are derived from an experimental-acoustic study of vowel production underway in Winnipeg, Manitoba. Comparing the preliminary Winnipeg results with similar data from General American English confirms previously described generalizations for Canadian English: the merger of low-back vowels, the relative retraction of /æ/, and the relative advancement of /u/ and /Ʊ/. However, a similar comparison of the Winnipeg sample with comparable Southern California data disputes the accuracy of the claim that Canadian Shift (Clarke et al. 1995) is a feature of ‘general’ Canadian and Californian English. An acoustic analysis uncovers subtle phonetic distinctions that make possible a more precise characterization of Canadian Raising: rather than only adjusting the height of the nucleus, Winnipeg speakers produce a directional shift in both the nucleus and offglide of the diphthongs /aɪ, aƱ/; this process applies to all three diphthongs (including /oɪ/).


2017 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Lang ◽  
Lisa Davidson

Recent work by Chang has shown that even at the very earliest stages of second language (L2) acquisition, the phonetic implementation of speakers’ native English phoneme categories is slightly modified by contact with L2 Korean, which is referred to as “phonetic drift.” This study investigates whether rapid phonetic drift generalizes to another pairing of languages. We examined naïve American English learners of French, who were recorded producing both American English and French vowels after one and six weeks of a study abroad program in Paris. In addition, the Study Abroad group is compared with proficient American English L1 speakers of French who have been residents of Paris for at least five years, to investigate the impact of long-term use of an L2 on the vowel categories of L1. Whereas the Study Abroad group showed no evidence of phonetic drift after six weeks, the Paris Residents’ American English vowel space shifted along F1 and several English vowels demonstrated clear movement toward French monolingual norms. A closer look at the high vowels provides insight into how phonetic categories are influenced both by drift and by a pressure to keep vowel categories distinct between the languages. The results are also discussed with respect to potential effects of the size of the vowel inventory and the amount of input required to cause phonetic drift.


2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (11-12) ◽  
pp. 926-933 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Flipsen ◽  
Sungbok Lee

2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 389-418
Author(s):  
Joseph A. Stanley ◽  
Margaret E. L. Renwick ◽  
Katherine Ireland Kuiper ◽  
Rachel M. Olsen

Southern American English is spoken in a large geographic region in the United States. Its characteristics include back-vowel fronting (e.g., in goose, foot, and goat), which has been ongoing since the mid-nineteenth century; meanwhile, the low back vowels (in lot and thought) have recently merged in some areas. We investigate these five vowels in the Digital Archive of Southern Speech, a legacy corpus of linguistic interviews with sixty-four speakers born 1886-1956. We extracted 89,367 vowel tokens and used generalized additive mixed-effects models to test for socially-driven changes to both their relative phonetic placements and the shapes of their formant trajectories. Our results reinforce previous descriptions of Southern vowels while contributing additional phonetic detail about their trajectories. Goose-fronting is a change in progress, with greatest fronting after coronal consonants. Goat is quite dynamic; it lowers and fronts in apparent time. Generally, women have more fronted realizations than men. Foot is largely monophthongal, and stable across time. Lot and thought are distinct and unmerged, occupying different regions of the vowel space. While their relative positions change across generations, all five vowels show a remarkable consistency in formant trajectory shapes across time. This study’s results reveal social and phonetic details about the back vowels of Southerners born in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: goose-fronting was well underway, goat-fronting was beginning, but foot remained backed, and the low back vowels were unmerged.


2020 ◽  
Vol 95 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-484
Author(s):  
Charles Boberg

As a follow-up to the author’s 2018 analysis of New York City English in film, this article turns its attention to the whole country over the same 80-year period of 1930–2010, using acoustic phonetic, quantitative, and statistical analysis to identify the most important changes in the pronunciation of North American English by 40 European American leading actresses in their best-known films. Focusing mostly on vowel production, the analysis reveals a gradual shift from East Coast patterns rooted in the speech of New York City to West Coast patterns rooted in the speech of Los Angeles. Changes include a decline in /r/ vocalization, which is restricted almost entirely to the period before the mid-1960s; a decline in the low back distinction between /o/ and /oh/ (lot and thought); a new distinction between /æ/ (trap) and its allophone before nasal consonants (e.g., ham or hand); shifts of /æ/ and /oh/ to a lower, more central position in the vowel space; and fronting of the back upgliding vowel /uw/ (goose). These and other patterns correspond closely to those identified in the speech of ordinary people, revealing an intriguing parallel between public speech in the mass media and private speech in local communities.


Linguistics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
James A. Walker ◽  
Miriam Meyerhoff

AbstractResolving the convergence of low-back vowels in English constitutes a pivot with repercussions for the rest of the vowel system. We consider how speakers on an eastern Caribbean island co-opt the inherent variability of vowel systems to differentiate themselves. Examining the vowels of Bequia English (St. Vincent and the Grenadines) shows the main source of variation to lie in the position and duration of four low back vowels (cloth, lot, palm, thought), which do not act as the same pivot point for realignment of the vowel space as in North American English. The crucial distinction between transmission and diffusion lies at the heart of our findings: principles of language change derived from varieties characterized by transmission may differ from principles associated with histories of diffusion central to many contact and creole varieties.


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