Reconsidering the Optionality of Raising in Japanese Exceptional‐Case‐Marking Constructions

Syntax ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Masahiko Takahashi
Keyword(s):  
Exceptional Case ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Exceptional Case Marking

On the (Non)complementarity of θ-Theory and Checking Theory

2001 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 694-716 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis López
Keyword(s):  
Exceptional Case ◽  
Functional Category ◽  
Computational System ◽  
System Form ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Feature Checking ◽  
Exceptional Case Marking ◽  
Formal Features

Chomsky (1995) proposes that the θ system and the checking system form two complementary modules. As a consequence both subjects and objects must form nontrivial chains to check their formal features with a functional category (T and v, respectively). I argue that objects and exceptional-Case-marking subjects check their formal features with a lexical verb, whose domain is therefore both θ role assigning and feature checking. I showthat discarding the complementarity assumption in this manner results in a more “bare” theory of the computational system as well as several empirical advantages.

scholarly journals Explorer la structure interne des constructions causatives du français

2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaoshi Hu
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Exceptional Case ◽  
Object Shift ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Exceptional Case Marking

RésuméLe présent article porte sur la structure interne des constructions causatives du français. Son argumentation se base sur deux idées essentielles : que l'interprétation de respectivement révélerait l'effet d'intervention dans les constructions bi-propositionnelles, et que la montée du quantifieur serait soumise à la minimalité et à la Condition d'impénétrabilité des phases. J'utiliserai ces deux phénomènes comme tests pour justifier d'une part la relation morpho-syntaxique entre le verbe causatif faire et le verbe causativisé, et d'autre part la dérivation de l'ordre VOS (verbe-objet-sujet) du complément de faire. Je compte démontrer que les constructions causatives du français sont analogues aux constructions ECM (Exceptional Case Marking), qui impliquent un TP défectif enchâssé; et que l'ordre VOS du complément de faire, dans la construction faire-à et dans la construction faire-par, impliquent deux dérivations différentes. Le premier est dérivé par Object Shift, tandis que le deuxième est dérivé par Smuggling.

scholarly journals The Development of Exceptional Case Marking in Romance with a Particular Focus on French

Probus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-400
Author(s):  
Michelle Sheehan
Keyword(s):  
Morphological Variability ◽  
Old French ◽  
Exceptional Case ◽  
Opposite Pattern ◽  
Middle French ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
University Of Massachusetts ◽  
Exceptional Case Marking ◽  
Causative Verbs

AbstractThis paper traces the development of so-called Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) under perception, permissive and causative verbs in Romance. Synchronically, we can observe various patterns in the distribution of ECM complements under these verbs. In Portuguese and Spanish, ECM is often possible under all permissive and causative verbs, whereas in French, Catalan and Italian it is usually restricted to perception and permissive verbs. A detail that has not been much discussed is the fact that, for many speakers, ECM with a given verb is often restricted to contexts in which the embedded ‘subject’ is a clitic. Some speakers of Modern French display this pattern with the verb faire ‘make’, for example (Abeillé, Anne, Danièle Godard & Philip Miller. 1997. Les causatives en français : Un cas de compétition syntaxique. Langue Française 115. 62–74. https://doi.org/10.3406/lfr.1997.6222). In this paper, I claim that laisser ‘let’ probably also displayed this pattern in Middle French. In Old French, however, what appears to be the opposite pattern is observed. Following (Pearce, Elizabeth. 1990. Parameters in Old French syntax: Infinitival complements. Dordrecht: Kluwer), I attribute this to the morphological variability of dative case in Old French. I propose a case-based analysis of the clitic ECM pattern, whereby ECM complements in Romance are phases unlike clause union complements (see Sheehan, Michelle & Sonia Cyrino. 2018. Why do some ECM verbs resist passivisation? A phase-based explanation. In Sherry Hucklebridge & Max Nelson (eds.), Proceedings of NELS 48 (vol 3), 81–90. University of Massachusetts). Where such complements are embedded under light verbs, the Phase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky, Noam. 2001. Derivation by phase. In Michael Kenstowicz (ed.), Ken hale: A life in language, 1–52. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press) prevents accusative case from being assigned to the lower subject except in instances of cliticization. When the matrix verb is reanalysed as a full verb, however, v becomes the case-assigning head and so ECM becomes generally available, regardless of the clitic/non-clitic status of the causee.

Case and Licensing: Evidence from ECM+DOC

2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milan Rezac
Keyword(s):  
Exceptional Case ◽  
Single Object ◽  
Double Object ◽  
Double Object Construction ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Object Construction ◽  
Theoretic Concept ◽  
Case Morphology ◽  
Exceptional Case Marking

This remark argues for the Case-theoretic concept of Case as a syntactic licensing requirement of DPs related to their case morphology, against alternatives where DPs need no syntactic licensing, or where their case morphology is unrelated to it. The argument is made from constraints on combining exceptional Case marking (ECM) and the double object construction, where there is a single object Agree/Case locus for two DPs. The mechanisms and nature of Case are briefly examined. The appendix sketches an extension to wager-class ECM.

Altruism, Ā-Movement, and Object Agreement in Innu-aimûn

2002 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-407 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phil Branigan ◽  
Marguerite MacKenzie
Keyword(s):  
Exceptional Case ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Complement Clause ◽  
Object Agreement ◽  
Syntactic Properties ◽  
Matrix Verb ◽  
Exceptional Case Marking

This article examines the syntactic properties of a long-distanceagreement construction in Innu-aimûn (Algonquian)in which a matrix verb may agree with an argument in its complement clause, normally with an associated topic interpretation for the DP target of agreement. It is shown that this is true cross-clausal agreement into a finite complement, rather than agreement with a prothetic object or exceptional Case marking. The topic interpretation effect is shown to reflect a (covert) Ā-movement that produces a complement clause with an accessible target for agreement at the left periphery.

scholarly journals Two Types of Exceptional Case Marking Constructions

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 741-758
Author(s):  
Park, Dongwoo ◽  
Han-Byul Chung ◽  
Semoon Hoe
Keyword(s):  
Exceptional Case ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Exceptional Case Marking
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