National Sovereignty vs. International Cooperation: Policy Choices in Trade‐Off Situations

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 400-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Emmenegger ◽  
Silja Häusermann ◽  
Stefanie Walter
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 10-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ch. Stückelberger

Introduction. National governments play a key role in the Covid-19 Pandemic as they have to lead the national policy, under emergency law. This is the opposite of the globalization boom since the 1990s after the end of the bi-polar world, where many predicted and expected that national governments will no more be important as the global economy will be run by international companies and globalized markets. What is in the post-corona world the relation between national sovereignty and international cooperation? How much cooperation is needed just under the global threat of the pandemic?Materials and methods. This article is based on my presentation at the MGIMO International Conference on 25 May on “Pandemic as a motor of transformation» and on an extensive research over several years on the ethical concept of balancing opposite values, under the term Globalance [3], and applying this concept to thirty sectors of society, in the perspective of the experiences and new realities after the Covid-19 pandemic. The method is classical ethical decision making [See: 4] with a combination of collecting empirical data from social sciences (here only few) and normative orientation on fundamental values, based on philosophical and theological ethical concepts and principles (justifications not elaborated in detail in the article).Study results. The study focusses on the two values freedom and solidarity as value-poles with the ethical goal to show their relationality and balance them. These two values are applied to the poles of international cooperation and national sovereignty.Сonclusion. The Covid-19 pandemic shows the importance of sovereign national governments in handling such a pandemic within its territory and its shows the crucial global cooperation and strong respective multilateral institutions and mechanisms such as the WHO, but also ILO, UNCTAD, migration and refugees organisations, International Telecommunication Union ITU and financial institutions such as IMF and World Bank. A key aspect of Globalance is also the balance between national cybersovereignty and international cooperation for cybersecurity by fighting cybercrime.   


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-13
Author(s):  
Stefan Cassella

Purpose The globalization of crime has made it possible for international money launderers, kleptocrats and fraudsters to commit crimes in one jurisdiction while remaining safe in another and hiding their assets in a third. At the same time, law enforcement officials remain constrained by the rules of national sovereignty that inhibit their ability to recover assets located beyond the territorial jurisdiction of their courts. Three recent cases, however, illustrate that governments have begun to find ways to hurdle the walls that have traditionally made the recovery of assets in other countries so difficult. This paper aims to sketch the facts of those cases, the legal issues presented and the ways in which the obstacles presented by the walls of sovereignty were overcome. Design/methodology/approach This paper is the study of three recent cases. Findings The cases illustrate how obstacles presented by national sovereignty have been overcome. Originality/value The cases will serve as a guide to future international cooperation.


1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Shamir ◽  
Asher Arian

Value hierarchies structure people's position on specific issues when values are in conflict. This general proposition is tested using surveys of Israeli public opinion on issues relating to the Israeli–Arab conflict. Value priorities are shown to be politically and ideologically structured, and not random, with certain value combinations more prevalent and more enduring than others. Most importantly, we establish that people's value hierarchies significantly structure policy preferences and changes therein. The more salient or acute the value conflict, the greater the correspondence between hierarchy and preference. This value trade-off approach presents a picture of Israeli public opinion which is very different from that usually portrayed: of a population firmly supporting a Jewish majority in their state, with a very strong desire for peace. The values of land and democracy are shown to be much less important.


2009 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Gailmard

In this paper I investigate the trade-off a legislature faces in the choice of instruments to ensure accountability by bureaucrats with private information. The legislature can either design a state-contingent incentive scheme or “menu law” to elicit the bureau's information or it can simply limit the set of choices open to the bureaucrat and let it choose as it wishes (an action restriction). I show that the optimal action restriction is simply a connected interval of the policy space. However, this class of instruments is not optimal without some sort of limitation on the set of levers of control available to the legislature. I then analyze one such limitation salient in politics, the legislative principal's inability to commit to honor a schedule of (state contingent) policy choices and transfer payments for a menu law. In this case the optimal action restriction outperforms (in terms of the legislature's welfare) the best available menu law.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Jon C.W. Pevehouse

Abstract Inconsistent efforts at international cooperation often undermined global efforts to mitigate the COVID-19 health pandemic. Pundits and scholars alike laid much of the blame for this lack of cooperation on domestic political factors, especially populist leaders. Could international relations theories have predicted this behavior? I argue that there are no off-the-shelf theories that engage populism with traditional mechanisms of international cooperation, especially cooperation facilitated by international institutions. I explore how populist sentiment, whether stemming from the public or leaders, can pose barriers to cooperation. I argue that populists are especially likely to resist cues from foreign actors; are especially reticent to delegate national sovereignty; and are especially resistant to policies that result in gains for elites and, when coupled with nationalism, foreigners. The essay concludes with suggestions for further theoretical and empirical research.


Polar Record ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 37 (200) ◽  
pp. 13-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Kendall Moore

AbstractUnited States policy toward the Antarctic in the 1950s culminated in the treaty that bears the continent's name — the same treaty that continues to govern relations in the far south. Washington succeeded in promoting the admirable objectives of scientific advancement and international cooperation. In doing so, it also forfeited what many officials believed to be the more important objective of formalizing a national sovereignty claim to halt further erosion of the rights associated with its mammoth expeditions. Trapped by having repeated their non-claimancy, nonrecognition policy, which Secretary of State Charles E. Hughes had announced in 1924, US officials scrambled for alternatives. They finally chose to formalize their policy-making paralysis, rather than a claim, by proposing a treaty that called for a political status quo moratorium, in accord with the Chilean Escudero Plan. That decision impressed some experts as unwise, but it was sufficiently expedient to win the signatures needed for ratification.


2014 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 239-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelle van Buuren

Due to the globalization and nodalisation of intelligence - resulting in hybrid intelligence assemblages - well-known problems related to overseeing intelligence are deteriorating. Not only does the international cooperation between intelligence services contribute to this problem, but especially the internationalization of intelligence collection meaning that as a consequence of technological and market transformations intelligence collection has become footloose and can be conducted remotely. In that way it leaves any idea of national sovereignty or the national protection of civil rights increasingly obsolete. Instead of oversight by institutions the real counter-power in post-democratic constellations seems to be practised by whistleblowers and investigative journalists. Sousveillance or undersight therefore seems to be the most important current oversight mechanism.


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