scholarly journals Voting “Against Islamization”? How Anti-Islamic Right-Wing, Populist Political Campaign Ads Influence Explicit and Implicit Attitudes Toward Muslims as Well as Voting Preferences

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 739-757 ◽  
Author(s):  
Desirée Schmuck ◽  
Jörg Matthes
Keyword(s):  
Implicit Attitudes ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Campaign Ads ◽  
Attitudes Toward Muslims

Campaign Advertising and the Cultivation of Crime Worry: Testing Relationships With Two Large Datasets From the 2016 U.S. Election Cycle

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110209
Author(s):  
Jiawei Liu ◽  
Rosemary J. Avery ◽  
Erika F. Fowler ◽  
Laura Baum ◽  
Sarah E. Gollust ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
The United States ◽  
Large Datasets ◽  
Cumulative Exposure ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Campaign Ads ◽  
Voter Choice ◽  
Campaign Advertising

Previous research has documented that political information in the mass media can shape attitudes and behaviors beyond voter choice and election turnout. The current study extends this body of work to examine associations between televised political campaign advertising (one of the most common forms of political communication people encounter) and worry about crime and violence in the context of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. We merge two large datasets—Kantar/CMAG data on televised campaign advertisement airings ( n = 3,767,477) and Simmons National Consumer Survey (NCS) data on television viewing patterns and public attitudes ( n = 26,703 respondents in the United States)—to test associations between estimated exposure to campaign ads about crime and crime worry, controlling for demographics, local crime rates, and political factors. Results from multivariate models show that estimated cumulative exposure to campaign ads about crime is associated with higher levels of crime worry. Exposure to campaign ads about crime increased crime worry among Republicans, but not Democrats.

scholarly journals Bias and regulation of bias in intergroup interactions: Implicit attitudes toward Muslims and interaction quality

2009 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Gonsalkorale ◽  
William von Hippel ◽  
Jeffrey W. Sherman ◽  
Karl Christoph Klauer
Keyword(s):  
Implicit Attitudes ◽  
Intergroup Interactions ◽  
Interaction Quality ◽  
Attitudes Toward Muslims

Politicians, the Media, and Negative Perceptions of Trade’s National Effect

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Guisinger
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
National Level ◽  
News Coverage ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
Economic Knowledge ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Evening News ◽  
Mass Public ◽  
Campaign Ads ◽  
The Media

Chapter 7 explores how the framing of trade in public discourse – mass media and political campaigns –supports the disconnect between mass and elite opinion: while academic elites have stressed the benefits of free trade and political elites have supported trade liberalization, the mass public continues to express a negative assessment of trade’s economic impact on the U.S. This chapter describes past and current public beliefs about trade’s effect at the national level and characterizes two common sources of Americans’ economic knowledge – the national media and federal-level political campaigns. Analysis of decades of trade–related evening news coverage, illustrates both the correlation between bad trade indicators and trade coverage and the frequency and tone of evening news coverage. Additionally, the chapter offers qualitative analysis of the content of trade-related political campaign ads as well as two maps showing the concentration of trade-related ads in the 2000 and 2008 elections. This analysis of the content of TV news coverage of stories about international trade and political campaign ads that mention trade makes it clear that the messages communicated to the mass public differ from the academic/elite consensus.

Strategic Voting in Conditions of Political Instability

1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (7) ◽  
pp. 810-834 ◽  
Author(s):  
LEONARD WANTCHEKON
Keyword(s):  
El Salvador ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Theoretic Model ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
Game Theoretic ◽  
Game Theoretic Model ◽  
Poll Data

This article presents a game theoretic model to explain the broad electoral support for the extreme right-wing party, the Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA), in the 1994 elections in El Salvador. Making use of poll data, the author shows that the deciding factor in this electoral outcome was not the procedural defects, the apathy of the electorate, or the disorganization of the opposition parties but, instead, uncertainty about the peace process. The model helps to explain why during the political campaign, ARENA played the “fear card” and why the peasants voted in such great numbers for a party opposed to the land reform that would greatly benefit them. The author argues that the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) participated in the election not just to win but more to provide legitimacy for the new democratic process. The article concludes by discussing implications of the findings for the prospects for democratic consolidation in El Salvador.

The Effects of Anti-Immigrant Right-Wing Populist Ads on Implicit and Explicit Attitudes: A Moderated Mediation Model

2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 556-581 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jörg Matthes ◽  
Desirée Schmuck
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Implicit Attitudes ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Negative Stereotypes ◽  
Intergroup Anxiety ◽  
Explicit Attitudes ◽  
Moderated Mediation Model ◽  
Underlying Mechanisms ◽  
Implicit And Explicit ◽  
Implicit And Explicit Attitudes

Across Europe, the use of negative portrayals of immigrants in populist political advertising has dramatically increased. An experimental study tested the underlying mechanisms and boundary conditions for the effects of such ads on explicit and implicit attitudes toward foreigners. Findings revealed that populist ads strengthened intergroup anxiety and negative stereotypes for voters with lower educational degrees. This, in turn, led to more negative explicit attitudes. However, we observed stronger effects of populist ads on implicit attitudes for individuals with higher educational degrees. The necessity of including explicit as well as implicit measures in political communication research is discussed.

Positively Valenced, Calming Political Ads

2013 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florian Arendt ◽  
Franziska Marquart ◽  
Jörg Matthes
Keyword(s):  
Treatment Group ◽  
Implicit Attitudes ◽  
Control Group ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Explicit Attitudes ◽  
Political Ads ◽  
Group 2 ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Effortful Processing ◽  
Group 1

We investigated whether political print ads were able to moderate the influence of automatic affective gut reactions (i.e., implicit attitudes) on overtly expressed evaluations (i.e., explicit attitudes) of foreigners. In accordance with the feeling-as-information theory ( Schwarz, 2012 , In Van Lange et al. (Eds.), Handbook of Theories of Social Psychology, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage), we assumed that political ads containing positive, calming stimuli (e.g., nature pictures) signal a benign environment and thus should lead to less-effortful processing in subsequent situations. Due to the fact that the implicit–explicit correspondence is assumed to be higher under less-effortful processing, we hypothesized that these political print ads are able to increase the implicit–explicit correspondence. We tested this in an experiment in which participants (N = 164) were exposed to three positively valenced, calming ads of a European right-wing party (treatment group 1), or three negatively valenced, arousing ads of the same party (treatment group 2), or bogus ads (control group). As predicted, implicit attitudes better predicted explicit attitudes in participants who watched the positively valenced, calming ads. Thus, these participants based their overtly expressed evaluation of foreigners more on their (mostly negative) automatic gut reactions. In contrast, we found that egalitarian-related nonprejudicial goals predicted explicit attitudes in participants who watched negatively valenced, arousing ads. Thus, the content of these ads seemed to be “too strong” for participants and activated egalitarian-related values, which in turn predicted explicit attitudes. Taken together, our findings underline the importance of considering the relationship between explicit and implicit attitudes when studying the effects of political advertising.

Mind the Shade

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roald Hoffmann
Keyword(s):  
Side Effects ◽  
Comic Book ◽  
Ethical Responsibility ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Real People ◽  
Campaign Ads ◽  
Mind Set ◽  
Normal Men ◽  
Long Chain

Sentenced to create—be it molecules, or laws, or paintings you may love or hate—we give in, with feeling, make new substances, transform old ones. Still others in the economic chain sell them; I teach about them. Each of us has a role in the use of chemicals. That use does immense good. And just sometimes does harm to people or property. Even though molecules are molecules, not in and of themselves good or evil. What is an individual chemist’s ethical responsibility when this occurs? Well, each of us confronts ethical questions in the light of his or her traditions. Nothing is simple when goods collide. I don’t want to preach; the only advice I would presume to give is: “Mind the shade.” Let me explain. Political campaign ads to the contrary, very little in this world is pure good or pure evil. Yet evil gets done. No, it is not the work of Satan; it is the work of pretty normal men and women, who are likely to be kind to their children and goldfish. And those who mean ill intuitively know that responsibility for exploitation or hurt had best be diffused, so that an individual in a necessarily long chain be little tempted to see the ethical consequences of the whole. Also people intent on no good construct, subconsciously, for themselves (and their collaborators) a mind-set that transforms the act psychically, taking it outside some personal ethic. In the analysis of evildoing by real people, not comic-book characters, one finds incredible compartmentalization, and the fanning of dehumanizing prejudices. Why? To self-justify actions that—in another part of life, dealing with others—would clearly be counter to the ethics that everyone, even evildoers, carries around. Given this tendency of evil to diffuse and transform itself, it is precisely those actions that are ethically gray or shaded, neither clearly good nor bad, which should be thought through in greatest depth. If there be a data point that indicates disagreement with a theory, or hints at side effects of a drug, shall I discard it before I tell my supervisor? To do so seems easy, so harmless, especially when little is certain.

Relationship between Drug Overdose Mortality and Coverage of Drug-Related Issues in US Television Political Campaign Advertising in the 2012 and 2016 Election Cycles

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alene Kennedy-Hendricks ◽  
Erika Franklin Fowler ◽  
Sachini Bandara ◽  
Laura M. Baum ◽  
Sarah E. Gollust ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Drug Overdose ◽  
Mortality Rates ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Campaign Ads ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Multivariable Regression ◽  
Media Markets ◽  
Overdose Mortality ◽  
Campaign Advertising ◽  
Election Cycles

Abstract Context: Understanding the role of drug-related issues in political campaign advertising can provide insight on the salience of this issue and the priorities of candidates for elected office. This study sought to quantify the share of campaign advertising mentioning drugs in the 2012 and 2016 election cycles and to estimate the association between local drug overdose mortality and drug mentions in campaign advertising across US media markets. Methods: The analysis used descriptive and spatial statistics to examine geographic variation in campaign advertising mentions of drugs across all 210 US media markets, and it used multivariable regression to assess area-level factors associated with that variation. Findings: The share of campaign ads mentioning drugs grew from 0.5% in the 2012 election cycle to 1.6% in the 2016 cycle. In the 2016 cycle, ads airing in media markets with overdose mortality rates in the 95th percentile were more than three times as likely to mention drugs as ads airing in areas with overdose mortality rates in the 5th percentile. Conclusions: A small proportion of campaign advertising mentioned drug-related issues. In the 2016 cycle, the issue was more prominent in advertising in areas hardest hit by the drug overdose crisis and in advertising for local races.

Implicit Association Test: Separating Transsituationally Stable and Variable Components of Attitudes toward Gay Men

2003 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melanie C. Steffens ◽  
Axel Buchner
Keyword(s):  
Gay Men ◽  
Implicit Association Test ◽  
Structural Equation ◽  
Implicit Attitudes ◽  
Association Test ◽  
Situational Factors ◽  
Situational Factor ◽  
Equation Modeling ◽  
Implicit Attitude ◽  
Implicit Association

Implicit attitudes are conceived of as formed in childhood, suggesting extreme stability. At the same time, it has been shown that implicit attitudes are influenced by situational factors, suggesting variability by the moment. In the present article, using structural equation modeling, we decomposed implicit attitudes towards gay men into a person factor and a situational factor. The Implicit Association Test ( Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998 ), introduced as an instrument with which individual differences in implicit attitudes can be measured, was used. Measurement was repeated after one week (Experiment 1) or immediately (Experiment 2). Explicit attitudes towards gay men as assessed by way of questionnaires were positive and stable across situations. Implicit attitudes were relatively negative instead. Internal consistency of the implicit attitude assessment was exemplary. However, the within-situation consistency was accompanied by considerable unexplained between-situation variability. Consequently, it may not be adequate to interpret an individual implicit attitude measured at a given point in time as a person-related, trait-like factor.

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