scholarly journals Do looks constitute our perceptual evidence?

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-147
Author(s):  
Harmen Ghijsen
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Natasha Warner ◽  
Daniel Brenner ◽  
Jessamyn Schertz ◽  
Andrew Carnie ◽  
Muriel Fisher ◽  
...  

AbstractScottish Gaelic is sometimes described as having nasalized fricatives (/ṽ/ distinctively, and [f̃, x̃, h̃], etc. through assimilation). However, there are claims that it is not aerodynamically possible to open the velum for nasalization while maintaining frication noise. We present aerodynamic data from 14 native Scottish Gaelic speakers to determine how the posited nasalized fricatives in this language are realized. Most tokens demonstrate loss of nasalization, but nasalization does occur in some contexts without aerodynamic conflict, e.g., nasalization with the consonant realized as an approximant, nasalization of [h̃], nasalization on the preceding vowel, or sequential frication and nasalization. Furthermore, a very few tokens do contain simultaneous nasalization and frication with a trade-off in airflow. We also present perceptual evidence showing that Gaelic listeners can hear this distinction slightly better than chance. Thus, instrumental data from one of the few languages in the world described as having nasalized fricatives confirms that the claimed sounds are not made by producing strong nasalization concurrently with clear frication noise. Furthermore, although speakers most often neutralize the nasalization, when they maintain it, they do so through a variety of phonetic mechanisms, even within a single language.


1995 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Treue ◽  
Richard A. Andersen ◽  
Hiroshi Ando ◽  
Ellen C. Hildreth

2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (14) ◽  
pp. 9-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Wittenberg ◽  
F. Bremmer ◽  
T. Wachtler
Keyword(s):  

1998 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 576-587 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Snow

Perceptual evidence suggests that young children do not imitate adult-modeled intonation patterns with a rising pitch contour (rising tones) as well as those with a falling pitch contour (falling tones). To investigate the acoustic basis of this uneven imitation pattern, 10 4-year-old children were asked to imitate short sentences with falling and rising tones in 4 sentence contexts called "intonation groups." The results indicated that the children used more falling tones than adults in most intonation groups. When the children matched the adult-modeled contour direction (falling or rising), the children's speed of pitch change was comparable to that of adults in the falling tones of final intonation groups and in the rising tones of nonfinal groups, but was slower than that of adults in the complementary environments. In a manner consistent with previously reported perceptual data, the instrumental findings indicate that rising tones may be more difficult for 4-year-old children to produce than falling tones. The results additionally suggest that children's intonation is sensitive not only to the direction of tonal contours but also to their position in sentence-final versus nonfinal intonation groups.


i-Perception ◽  
10.1068/ic286 ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 286-286
Author(s):  
Izumi Ohzawa ◽  
Tatsuhiko Katayama ◽  
Yusuke Asada ◽  
Takayuki Nakazono

2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
LAURA C. DILLEY ◽  
AMANDA L. MILLETT ◽  
J. DEVIN MCAULEY ◽  
TONYA R. BERGESON

ABSTRACTPronunciation variation is under-studied in infant-directed speech, particularly for consonants. Regressive place assimilation involves a word-final alveolar stop taking the place of articulation of a following word-initial consonant. We investigated pronunciation variation in word-final alveolar stop consonants in storybooks read by forty-eight mothers in adult-directed or infant-directed style to infants aged approximately 0;3, 0;9, 1;1, or 1;8. We focused on phonological environments where regressive place assimilation could occur, i.e., when the stop preceded a word-initial labial or velar consonant. Spectrogram, waveform, and perceptual evidence was used to classify tokens into four pronunciation categories: canonical, assimilated, glottalized, or deleted. Results showed a reliable tendency for canonical variants to occur in infant-directed speech more often than in adult-directed speech. However, the otherwise very similar distributions of variants across addressee and age group suggested that infants largely experience statistical distributions of non-canonical consonantal pronunciation variants that mirror those experienced by adults.


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