Should we be skeptics or contextualists about counterfactual conditionals?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yael Loewenstein
Author(s):  
Timothy Williamson

The book argues that our use of conditionals is governed by imperfectly reliable heuristics, in the psychological sense of fast and frugal (or quick and dirty) ways of assessing them. The primary heuristic is this: to assess ‘If A, C’, suppose A and on that basis assess C; whatever attitude you take to C conditionally on A (such as acceptance, rejection, or something in between) take unconditionally to ‘If A, C’. This heuristic yields both the equation of the probability of ‘If A, C’ with the conditional probability of C on A and standard natural deduction rules for the conditional. However, these results can be shown to make the heuristic implicitly inconsistent, and so less than fully reliable. There is also a secondary heuristic: pass conditionals freely from one context to another under normal conditions for acceptance of sentences on the basis of memory and testimony. The effect of the secondary heuristic is to undermine interpretations on which ‘if’ introduces a special kind of context-sensitivity. On the interpretation which makes best sense of the two heuristics, ‘if’ is simply the truth-functional conditional. Apparent counterexamples to truth-functionality are artefacts of reliance on the primary heuristic in cases where it is unreliable. The second half of the book concerns counterfactual conditionals, as expressed with ‘if’ and ‘would’. It argues that ‘would’ is an independently meaningful modal operator for contextually restricted necessity: the meaning of counterfactuals is simply that derived compositionally from the meanings of their constituents, including ‘if’ and ‘would’, making them contextually restricted strict conditionals.


1990 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-17
Author(s):  
Kurt Torell ◽  
Ronald Polansky

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dario Paape ◽  
Malte Zimmermann

Using truth-value judgment tasks, we investigated the on-line processing of counterfactual conditionals such as "If kangaroos had no tails, they would topple over". Face-value plausibility of the counterfactual as well as the complexity of the antecedent were manipulated. Results show that readers' judgments deviate from face-value plausibility more often when the antecedent is complex, and when the counterfactual is plausible rather than implausible. We interpret our results based on the modal horizon assumption of von Fintel (2001) and argue that they are compatible with a variably strict semantics for counterfactuals (Lewis, 1973). We make use of computational modeling techniques to account for reaction times and truth-value judgments simultaneously, showing that implementing detailed process models deepens our understanding of the cognitive mechanisms triggered by linguistic stimuli.


Author(s):  
Timothy Williamson

The chapter responds to Dorothy Edgington’s article ‘Possible Knowledge of Unknown Truth’, which defends her seminal diagnosis of the Church–Fitch refutation of verificationist knowability principles. Using counterfactual conditionals, she reformulates those principles to block that objection. The chapter argues that, to avoid trivialization, Edgington must supply a more general constraint on how the knower specifies a counterfactual situation for purposes of her reformulated principles; it is unclear how to do so. The philosophical motivation for her strategy is also questioned, with special reference to her treatment of Putnam’s epistemic account of truth. In passing, it is questioned how dangerous Church–Fitch arguments are for verificationist principles with non-factive evidential attitudes in place of knowledge. Finally, a doubt is raised about the compatibility of Edgington’s reformulation strategy with her view that counterfactual conditionals lack truth-conditions.


Author(s):  
John L. Pollock

It was argued in Chapter 1 that various kinds of propensities make intuitive sense, but existing propensity theories do little to clarify their nature. We are now in a position to give precise definitions for several different kinds of propensities in terms of nomic probabilities. The characteristics of these propensities can then be deduced from the theory of nomic probability. The technique for defining propensities in terms of nomic probabilities is modeled on the definitions of objective and physical/epistemic definite probabilities proposed in Chapter 4. We often want to know how probable it is that P would be true if Q were true. This is a kind of counterfactual probability, and I will symbolize it as ┌prob(P/Q)┐. Counterfactual conditionals constitute the limiting case of counterfactual probability, in the sense that if (Q > P) obtains then prob(P/Q) = 1. prob(PlQ) is to be distinguished from prob(P/g) and PROB(P/(2), either of which can be regarded as an “indicative” probability that P is true if Q is true. Recall that (Q > P) obtains iff P obtains at every nearest world at which Q obtains. In other words, where M(0 is the set of nearest ^-worlds, (Q > P) obtains iff M(Q) ⊆ |P|. Analogously, prob(P/Q) can be regarded as a measure of the proportion of nearest g-worlds that are also P-worlds. This has the immediate result that if (Q > P) obtains then prob(PIQ) = 1 (but not conversely). This sort of heuristic description of counterfactual probability enables us to investigate its formal properties, but if the notion is to be of any real use we must do more than wave our hands and talk about an unspecified measure on M(Q). We are now in a position to accurately define counterfactual probability. Let CQ be the conjunction of all of the counterfactual consequences of Q, that is, the conjunction of all states of affairs R such that (Q > R) obtains.


2020 ◽  
pp. 161-166
Author(s):  
Timothy Williamson

The chapter gives a preliminary sketch of some cognitive differences between indicative conditionals and counterfactual conditionals relevant to the testing of hypotheses by experiment. They especially concern cases where the indicative conditional can be decided without new evidence while the counterfactual conditional cannot. They also show that the antecedent of a ‘counterfactual’ conditional need not be presupposed to be false. Differences connected with the past tense morphology of ‘would’ are explored. Cases are given where the morphology should be understood as expressing a ‘fake past’, modal rather than temporal.


Author(s):  
Frank Jackson

Examples of indicative conditionals are ‘If it rained, then the match was cancelled’ and ‘If Alex plays, Carlton will win’. The contrast is with subjunctive or counterfactual conditionals, such as ‘If it had rained, then the match would have been cancelled’, and categoricals, such as ‘It will rain’. Despite the ease with which we use and understand indicative conditionals, the correct account of them has proved to be very difficult. Some say that ‘If it rained, the match was cancelled’ is equivalent to ‘Either it did not rain, or the match was cancelled’. Some say that the sentence asserts that the result of ‘adding’ the supposition that it rained to the actual situation is to give a situation in which the match was cancelled. Some say that to assert that if it rained then the match was cancelled is to make a commitment to inferring that the match was cancelled should one learn that it rained. This last view is often combined with the view that indicative conditionals are not, strictly speaking, true or false; rather, they are more or less assertible or acceptable.


Author(s):  
Frank Doring

‘If bats were deaf, they would hunt during the day.’ What you have just read is called a ‘counterfactual’ conditional; it is an ‘If…then…’ statement the components of which are ‘counter to fact’, in this case counter to the fact that bats hear well and sleep during the day. Among the analyses proposed for such statements, two have been especially prominent. According to the first, a counterfactual asserts that there is a sound argument from the antecedent (‘bats are deaf’) to the consequent (‘bats hunt during the day’). The argument uses certain implicit background conditions and laws of nature as additional premises. A variant of this analysis says that a counterfactual is itself a condensed version of such an argument. The analysis is called ‘metalinguistic’ because of its reference to linguistic items such as premises and arguments. The second analysis refers instead to possible worlds. (One may think of possible worlds as ways things might have gone.) This analysis says that the example is true just in case bats hunt during the day in the closest possible world(s) where they are deaf


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