scholarly journals Gender violence, poverty and HIV infection risk among persons engaged in the sex industry: cross‐national analysis of the political economy of sex markets in 30 European and Central Asian countries

HIV Medicine ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (10) ◽  
pp. 748-755 ◽  
Author(s):  
A Reeves ◽  
S Steele ◽  
D Stuckler ◽  
M McKee ◽  
A Amato‐Gauci ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Infection Risk ◽  
Gender Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sex Industry ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Central Asian Countries ◽  
National Analysis ◽  
Cross National

scholarly journals THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES: THE RESULTS OF 30 YEARS OF DEVELOPMENT

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-59
Author(s):  
Elena Garbuzarova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Formation ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Resource Potential ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Central Asian Countries

After gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian states, which had no experience in conducting independent foreign policy activities, began to build their own foreign policy coordinate system and develop its conceptual framework. Given their unique geopolitical position and diverse resource potential, the regional states preferred to pursue an open and multi-vector foreign policy, which allowed them to realize their national interests. With regard to the transformational processes in global politics and economy, as well as the geopolitical characteristics of their states, the political elites of the regional states have developed their own approaches to foreign policy. The article analyzes the doctrinal foundations of the Central Asian countries’ foreign policy, and the influence of global factors on the foreign policy formation of the regional states and intraregional cooperation.

scholarly journals Gender violence, poverty and HIV infection risk among persons engaged in the sex industry: cross-national analysis of the political economy of sex markets in 30 European and Central Asian countries

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron Reeves ◽  
Sarah Steele ◽  
David Stuckler ◽  
Martin McKee ◽  
Andrew Amato-Gauci ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Hiv Infection ◽  
Exposure To Violence ◽  
Infection Risk ◽  
Hiv Prevalence ◽  
Gender Violence ◽  
Sex Industry ◽  
Homicide Rates ◽  
Sexually Transmitted ◽  
National Analysis ◽  
Hiv Infection Risk

ObjectivesPersons engaged in the sex industry are at greater risk of HIV and other sexually transmitted infections than the general population. One major factor is exposure to higher levels of risky sexual activity. Expanding condom use is a critical prevention strategy, but this requires negotiation with those buying sex, which takes place in the context of cultural and economic constraints. Impoverished individuals who fear violence are more likely to forego condoms.MethodsHere we tested the hypotheses that poverty and fear of violence are two structural drivers of HIV infection risk in the sex industry. Using data from the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control and the World Bank for 30 countries, we evaluated poverty, measured using the average income per day per person in the bottom 40% of the income distribution, and gender violence, measured using homicide rates in women and the proportion of women exposed to violence in the last 12 months and/or since age 16 years.ResultsWe found that HIV prevalence among those in the sex industry was higher in countries where there were greater female homicide rates (β = 0.86; P = 0.018) and there was some evidence that self‐reported exposure to violence was also associated with higher HIV prevalence (β = 1.37; P = 0.043). Conversely, HIV prevalence was lower in countries where average incomes among the poorest were greater (β = −1.05; P = 0.046).ConclusionsOur results are consistent with the theory that reducing poverty and exposure to violence may help reduce HIV infection risk among persons engaged in the sex industry.

CENTRAL ASIA: THE BUMPY ROAD TOWARDS POLITICAL MATURITY

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg KARPOVICH
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Central Asian Countries

Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the new Central Asian independent states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan replaced the Soviet republics of Central (Sredniaia) Asia and Kazakhstan. By the time they gained independence, these countries had already developed specific mechanisms of governance: The Communist Party and state structures had relied, to a great extent, on certain regional clan principles of decision-making inherited from their distant past. The new states immediately declared that they would strive to build Western-style political systems. They elected their presidents and parliaments, set up judicial systems, yet the political elites proved unable to realize the democratic standards of the West they supported in words. Over the course of three decades, heads of state, who dominated and still remain the dominant figures in their countries and are responsible for domestic and foreign policies have replaced each other without any real competition. None of the regional states can boast of competitive presidential elections. On the other hand, even though their political development may have external similarities, there are still numerous differences rooted in their very different past, cultures and mentalities. The regional clan division, swept under the carpet during the Soviet period, was revived as an important and highly influential feature. Kazakhstan was divided into zhuzes; Kyrgyzstan is in the midst of an ongoing regional confrontation between the South and the North; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan regional clans have gradually gained a lot of political weight. This means that the leaders of all Central Asian countries had no choice but to take into account the interests of groups and clans and the ties between different tribes, which inevitably affected the principles of governance and choice of officials. The personal characteristics of leaders who came to power after the Soviet Union had left the stage and their interpretations of the ongoing processes played a huge role in regional developments, the relationships between the regional states, the regional balance of power and the political situation. Today, all the above-mentioned countries with the exception of Tajikistan, have elected new presidents either amid domestic political turmoil or through a power transit within the same group. This means that in all Central Asian countries presidential elections are not seen as an instrument of change of power but, rather, as an instrument of remaining in power. The complicated economic situation, the non-regional actors that put pressure on the local political elites and, recently, the COVID-19 pandemic, which intensified the social and economic problems, did nothing positive for the political and economic stability in Central Asia.

ROLE OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 024-035
Author(s):  
Elena Garbuzarova
Keyword(s):  
Economic Reforms ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Constitutional Reforms ◽  
Central Asian Countries ◽  
The Government

Since gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian countries have embarked on state building with regard for the experience of developed countries. During the political modernization process, the countries of Central Asia heeded great attention to the constitution. The political elites in power have enshrined the separation of powers between the government branches in the basic law. At the same time, the institution of the president retained a special status in the state power system. This fact reflected the specifics of the development of new states, where the legislative body was absent or played an insignificant role for a prolonged time period. The president plays a major role in the political systems of the regional states (with the exception of Kyrgyzstan), which was manifested in his special status. As a result, a patron-client model has developed in the regional states, where the president acquires and maintains the loyalty of political elites through material incentives. Meanwhile, the regional countries were undergoing continuous constitutional reforms. The amendments to the fundamental law have been and are being used by the presidents of the Central Asian countries to maintain and reinforce their legitimacy. The need to solve this problem has increased in the context of a decline in economic growth and accumulated internal socio-economic problems. In 2020-2021, the coronavirus pandemic produced a negative impact. These challenges posed the task of implementing a new democratic transformation strategy for the executive authorities of the regional states, in particular, the expansion of powers in the legislative branch of government. At the present stage, a new balance of forces has emerged in Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, which involves a higher responsibility of the parliament and government for the implementation of socio-economic reforms. This afforded greater stability to the political regimes in these countries. In Tajikistan, a power centralization tendency has developed, and the position of the incumbent is being solidified. Hopes for carrying out structural economic reforms are pinned on the president. Kyrgyzstan has demonstrated a desire to develop parliamentarianism in order to prevent the development of authoritarian tendencies. However, the introduction of a parliamentary form of government did not lead to the solution of the country’s internal problems, primarily due to the continued enormous influence of informal institutions on the authorities. Major socio-economic problems faced by the Kyrgyz authorities in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic triggered another round of political tension in the country and ultimately led to a change of power and a transition to a presidential form of government. The changes introduced to the constitutions of the regional states create the appearance of the implementation of democratic principles and the use of procedures to improve the efficiency of the government. At the same time, institutional changes undermine socio-political stability, creating problems for further national development.

FROM THE HISTORY OF THE RELATIONS FORMATION OF CHINA WITH CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES IN THE AREAS OF POLITICS, SECURITY, AND ECONOMICS

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-15
Author(s):  
Vladimir Paramonov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The People ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
History Of ◽  
Central Asian Countries ◽  
Political Security ◽  
Near Future

The main purpose of the article is to identify the key trends in relations of the People Republic of China with the countries of Central Asia in the political, security and economic fields from 1992 to 2007. It seems that all this should help to scientifically evaluate the recent past of Chinese-Central Asian ties, and therefore help to build morestable and mutually beneficial formats of relations in the near future.

scholarly journals The Central Asian Countries and the Energy Sector: Economics, Politics and Legal Aspects

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Şaziye Gazioğlu ◽  
Fatoş Otcuoğlu
Keyword(s):  
Legal Aspects ◽  
Energy Sector ◽  
The Political ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Energy Investment ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Political Risks ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Central Asian Countries

This paper is written with aim of investigating the importance of the natural resources within the Central Asian energy sector. The geopolitics position of the Central Asian Countries place them in the centre of conflicting powers; that is to say, on the one hand they are providing energy to Europe and USA, and on the other hand they are next to China, which has the highest and growing demand for energy consumption. In political arena, China accordingly seeks to prevent the independence of East Turkistan, which has historical links to Turkistan (West) in Russia. In this regard, we examine the energy policies and trade between states, and we particularly focus on the gas and oil pipelines from said countries to Europe. We also examine the demand from Caucasian and the Central Asian Countries by European, and Pacific Countries and, as well as, the USA. Correspondingly, we discuss the political conflicts upon the energy investments, and mainly concentrate on the investments in Central Asian and Commonwealth of Independent States (“CIS”), and the political risks and legal disputes relating to foreign energy investment and stability implications in this regard.

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