Political Parties and Representation of the Poor in the American States

2013 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 552-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Rigby ◽  
Gerald C. Wright
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Poor ◽  
American States

The Roma in Post-Communist Bulgaria: Growing Social Marginalization and State Policies

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Yorgos Christidis
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Exclusion ◽  
Hate Crime ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Poor Performance ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Social Marginalization ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
The Poor

This article analyzes the growing impoverishment and marginalization of the Roma in Bulgarian society and the evolution of Bulgaria’s post-1989 policies towards the Roma. It examines the results of the policies so far and the reasons behind the “poor performance” of the policies implemented. It is believed that Post-communist Bulgaria has successfully re-integrated the ethnic Turkish minority given both the assimilation campaign carried out against it in the 1980s and the tragic events that took place in ex-Yugoslavia in the 1990s. This Bulgaria’s successful “ethnic model”, however, has failed to include the Roma. The “Roma issue” has emerged as one of the most serious and intractable ones facing Bulgaria since 1990. A growing part of its population has been living in circumstances of poverty and marginalization that seem only to deteriorate as years go by. State policies that have been introduced since 1999 have failed at large to produce tangible results and to reverse the socio-economic marginalization of the Roma: discrimination, poverty, and social exclusion continue to be the norm. NGOs point out to the fact that many of the measures that have been announced have not been properly implemented, and that legislation existing to tackle discrimination, hate crime, and hate speech is not implemented. Bulgaria’s political parties are averse in dealing with the Roma issue. Policies addressing the socio-economic problems of the Roma, including hate speech and crime, do not enjoy popular support and are seen as politically damaging.

Resource Mobilisation and Precarious Workers’ Organisations: An Analysis of the Chilean Subcontracted Mineworkers’ Unions

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 581-598 ◽  
Author(s):  
Omar Manky
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Working Conditions ◽  
Global South ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Mining Sites ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Resource Mobilisation

Despite the poor working conditions, between 2003 and 2007 Chilean miners organised the longest and largest strikes in the country since the 1980s, obtaining one of the most important recent victories of the Latin American labour movement. This article uses this experience to illustrate the importance of the links between precarious workers and political activists. Drawing on 18 months of extensive fieldwork conducted at several mining sites in Chile, the article contends that the analysis of precarious workers’ organisations needs to consider workers’ access to different organisational resources, and the role that political parties’ militants play in such access, particularly in the Global South.

The Effect of Political Parties on the Distribution of Income in the American States: 1917-2011

2018 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 895-914 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Widestrom ◽  
Thomas J. Hayes ◽  
Christopher Dennis
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
American States ◽  
Distribution Of Income

What Shapes Political Participation of the Poorest Citizens?

2021 ◽  
pp. 23-43
Author(s):  
Carew Boulding ◽  
Claudio A. Holzner
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
Theoretical Explanation ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor People ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Democratic Rights

This chapter presents the theoretical explanation that links core institutional features of democracy (political parties, competitive elections, civil society, and protection of democratic rights) to the political behavior of the poorest citizens. The focus is not only on those factors that boost the political activity of the poor, but those that have a disproportionately strong positive impact on poor people’s activism. The chapter argues that where civil society is strong, where political parties have the capacity and incentives to focus mobilization efforts on the poor, and where democratic institutions are strong, poor people will be able to participate at high levels.

Corporatism Without Labor? Industrial Policymaking in the American States

1991 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Gray ◽  
David Lowery
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Industrial Policy ◽  
State Government ◽  
Development Policy ◽  
Group Influence ◽  
Economic Development Policy ◽  
American States ◽  
American Form ◽  
Better Than

ABSTRACTThis paper extends previous analyses of industrial policy from a corporatist perspective. We advocate a mid-level measure of group influence; the measure is based upon analysis of newspaper stories. A preliminary exploration of NewsBank data is reported, and several interesting trends in economic development policy are isolated. Business and education are heavily involved in policymaking whereas labor and political parties are not at all involved. On the whole, a meso-corporatist model in which business, state government, and education are partners seems to fit better than a business capture model. Some speculations are offered about this new American form of corporatism and its resemblance to the Japanese case.

Longer News Turned Elite

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin G. Barnhurst
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
New Media ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
Early Years ◽  
American Modernism ◽  
Daily News ◽  
High Expectations ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Political Office ◽  
Harsh Criticism

This chapter considers the elitism in digital media. During the early years of the Internet in the 1990s, there were high expectations for new media and harsh criticism for legacy news. A decade later a majority of U.S. newspapers had an online presence, and reporters and editors claimed that technology was changing what they do. However, U.S. news followed, and even continued in digital venues, the century-spanning trend of growing longer. The chapter argues that long stories are a sign of status in line with the elitism of American modernism. Elite writers appear to write the longest and elite readers to read the longest daily news. Efforts are made to serve the elites because they are the ones most likely to contribute to political parties and run for political office. In contrast, short, realist news articles match the predilections and limited time and resources of the non-elite: the wage laborer, the working parent, the immigrant learning the language, the less educated, the young, the poor.

scholarly journals A RETURN OF CLASS STRUGGLE WITHOUT CLASS? MORAL ECONOMY AND POPULAR RESISTANCE IN BRASIL, SOUTH AFRICA AND PORTUGAL

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 469-493
Author(s):  
Ruy Braga
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
Moral Economy ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Protective Capacity ◽  
Popular Resistance ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Basic Services ◽  
South Portugal

Abstract Since the emergence of the crisis of capitalist globalization in 2008, the deconstruction of the Fordist wage relationship and the rising unemployment in various countries have stimulated the growth of labour informality, distancing workers from labour protection, intensifying turnover and stimulating intermittent employment. Collective bargaining has become increasingly rare and decentralized, and jobs increasingly precarious and individualized, undermining the protective capacity of the ‘moral economy of the poor’ and transforming direct action - that is, popular action without the mediation of unions and traditional political parties - into perhaps the only credible alternative for ‘precarious workers’ to express their demands in a world marked by the commodification of labour, basic services and housing. A return to the era of the ‘class struggle without class’? This is the conjecture that this article sets out to evaluate, comparing the class experience of poor and precarious workers in three countries from the so-called Global South: Portugal, South Africa and Brasil.

Development-Induced Dispossession, Displacement, and Embedded Power Relations

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peer Ghulam Nabi Suhail
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Common Property ◽  
The Political ◽  
Land Grabbing ◽  
Common Property Resources ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Common ◽  
Embedded Power ◽  
Land Control

This chapter critically examines the class dynamics of land control and the influence of the elites and absentee landlords who take decisions on behalf of the subsistent peasantry. Yet another layer of control over land, the inter-dependence of the poor on the elites and vice-versa, has been analysed in detail. Simultaneously, the chapter also illustrates the peasant narrative about subordination, subalternity, and powerlessness. It mainly elucidates the peasant’s interpretations of loss caused by dispossession and displacement. It also discusses the viewpoints of the state, the corporate, and the political parties on the concept of the micro picture of who gets what and how. The chapter argues that HEP construction in Gurez has caused destruction of ecology and has adversely impacted the common property resources. Therefore, land-grabbing leads to a phenomenon where land is needed while labour is not.

The Etiology of Partisan Competition

1983 ◽  
Vol 78 (3) ◽  
pp. 691-707 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel C. Patterson ◽  
Gregory A. Caldeira
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Regional Differences ◽  
State Level ◽  
Educational Levels ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
American States ◽  
Political Competitiveness ◽  
Partisan Competition ◽  
North And South ◽  
Local Party

In this inquiry, we focus upon the question, “Why are political parties more competitive in some states than they are in others?” We have measured partisan competition as the closeness between the two major political parties in the results of state-level elections, and we have chosen to analyze elections in American states in the 1970s. To account for variations among the states on the dimension of partisan competitiveness, we formulate and present four discrete lines of reasoning—including socio-demographics, urbanization, diversity, and the strength of party organizations. We test each of these avenues of explanation in turn, always taking into account the watershed between North and South in partisan competition. The results vindicate the utility of our general approach, although we do find that each of the four modes of explanation is wanting in some respect. In a full-blown multivariate context, we report that educational levels and urbanization do influence variations among states in partisan competition. Equally compelling and perhaps more interesting, the strength and activism of local party organizations in the states profoundly affect political competitiveness, even when we take stark regional differences into consideration.

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