Conflicting interests mar Burundi's peace prospects

Significance This will significantly set back the peace process mediated by Uganda, the East African Community and the African Union (AU), with input from the UN, the United States and other donors. Impacts The reduction of donor aid flows -- which account for 54% of government revenue -- over repression concerns will deepen the fiscal deficit. The crisis will likely curtail business activity, probably leading to a second year of GDP contraction in 2016. The 240,000 Burundians refugees in neighbouring states could provide fertile ground for rebel recruitment.

Subject Uganda-Rwanda bilateral relations. Significance Rwanda and Uganda have held a series of meetings aimed at defusing tensions following a string of controversial deportations of Rwandans from Uganda. The highest profile saw Rwandan President Paul Kagame meet Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni on the sidelines of the African Union Summit on January 28. Following the discussion, exchanges of hostile rhetoric have eased. However, relations remain fragile, and the recent friction has inflamed deep-seated antagonisms. Impacts Regional crises in Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) could become a further point of contention. Uganda-Rwanda frictions may hamper consensus-building in the already-divided East African Community. A spike in tensions could impact cross-border trade and tourism.


Significance This may have a profound effect on East Africa’s two main regional blocs -- the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the East African Community (EAC). Impacts Trade tensions fuelled by incompatible COVID-19 strategies could ease after Burundi and Tanzania changed tack. Tanzanian re-engagement could help reinvigorate stalled regional infrastructure projects. Ethiopia may try to revive region-wide Nile Basin Initiative water talks, partly to isolate Egypt, partly to restore its own standing.


2020 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Tochukwu Omenma ◽  
Moses Onyango

Attacks from violent extremist organisations have reached unprecedented levels in Africa. Boko Haram, al-Shabaab, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and Islamic State and Sinai Peninsula activities account for the majority of high attacks and fatality rates. Their membership cuts across national borders; some have established a presence in local communities, while others are controlling territories in a number of states. This continues to happen despite regional measures such as the Algiers Plan of Action on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism (2002) and the African Model Anti-Terrorism Law (2011) to contain the activities of violent extremist groups on the continent. The prevailing argument shows that the African Union has initiated several legislations and protocols to contain terrorism on the continent, but the Union lacks the capacity to enforce legislations. Relying on the cost–benefit theoretical explication, we conclude that member states of the East African Community prefer to partner with external organisations in counterterrorism programmes which result in conflicting cross-border rules and challenges in countering violent extremism in Africa.


Author(s):  
L. Muthoni Wanyeki

In recent years, and particularly since the 2013 general election and the ascent to power of the Jubilee Alliance, Kenya has sought to enhance its influence and standing beyond the regional economic communities of the East African Community (EAC) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). This chapter explores Kenya’s foreign policy and changing relationship with the EAC and IGAD, the ways in which it has sought to expand its regional integration to include the African Union (AU), the reasons for this shift, and the implications for Kenya’s domestic economy and politics. It posits that, due to both internal and external factors—such as military involvement in Somalia and the LAPSSET corridor project—Kenya is now pursuing a far more aggressive and proactive bilateral and multilateral diplomatic strategy with both positive and negative effects.


Subject Outlook for Kenya's external relations. Significance Last week, Uganda overrode its oil pipeline agreement with Kenya by agreeing a rival deal with Tanzania in a major setback for Kenya's ambitions to lead economic integration in the East African Community (EAC), while boosting its own oil export plans. It comes amid several other external challenges, notably the deputy president's case at the International Criminal Court (ICC) and overspill from the Somali conflict. Impacts Deals signed during the president's visit to Israel will likely result in skills and technology transfer to improve Kenya's water security. Recent US airstrikes against an al-Shabaab training site in Somalia will boost the AMISOM mission. However, the EU decision to cut AMISOM funding by 20% will pose longer-term difficulties unless regional states find substitute funding.


Significance Violence has increased significantly since President Pierre Nkurunziza was inaugurated in August. The country is under growing international spotlight as fears are growing that the crisis is adopting an ethnic dimension. However, there are more important factors shaping the chances for escalation. Impacts Nkurunziza is unlikely to take on the East African Community (EAC) chairmanship as scheduled at end-November, disrupting regional protocol. The EAC's budget faces strain as Burundi fails to clear its financial contributions and donors consider pulling some funding. Refugee flows from Burundi will rise, straining existing tensions with neighbouring states.


Subject Uganda economic outlook. Significance Economic growth could improve to 5.8% in 2018, aided by a recovery in private consumption and increased spending on oil-related and public investments. However, the mounting external debt burden amid the US Federal Reserve’s interest-rate tightening cycle could pose near-term challenges, as the shilling’s weakness compounds the government’s growing debt-service obligations. Nevertheless, if managed well, these concerns should ease once oil begins to flow. Impacts Stubbornly high commercial lending rates despite lower policy rates pose the greatest impediment to long-term sustainable growth. The climbdown on potentially lucrative mobile money taxes suggests reluctance to widen the tax base at the risk of social unrest. Currency interventions will be limited by East African Community convergence criteria requiring reserves worth 4.5 months of imports.


Significance The trade disputes are emblematic of the difficult relationship between Nairobi and Dodoma, which has been aggravated in recent years by mutual recriminations alleging interference in one another’s elections. These tensions are shaped by deeper rivalries between the two countries, as a rising Tanzania seeks to challenge Kenyan political and economic dominance. Impacts The Tanzanian president’s quick congratulations to Kenyatta, before Odinga has conceded, may take some heat out of interference claims. The East African Community (EAC)'s failure to end the bilateral trade rows will damage its claims to be able to resolve internal disputes. Tensions will slow EAC integration, making plans for currency integration even more remote.


Significance Opposition parties reject the new dates, stating that their main demand is for Nkurunziza to step down before polls take place. The new dates adhere to East African Community (EAC) recommendations to delay elections. While the regional bloc may have more influence over Burundi than other external players, it will struggle to play an effective diplomatic role in ending the political crisis. Impacts A prolonged crisis will worsen a poorly performing economy, which is heavily dependent on foreign support. Belgium, the largest donor, may cut further bilateral support should Nkurunziza secure a third mandate. Economic disruption continues to hurt agricultural supply chains across the country, risking food security.


Subject Outlook for Kenyan-Tanzanian relations. Significance The Kenyan and Tanzanian governments in early September continued disagreements over a trade agreement with the EU. The deteriorating relationship comes at a time when the stability of the East African Community (EAC) is already strained by other crises. Impacts Attempts to forge bilateral agreements within the bloc or with non-EAC states could cast doubt on the EAC's future. Uncertainty over the long-term future of the EAC will worry investors and could reduce investment. Tensions lower the probability of instating a common currency in East Africa by 2024. Domestic political pressures could push Kenyan and Tanzanian leaders to demonise each other as a distraction.


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