scholarly journals Voltage measurements at the vacuum post-hole convolute of theZpulsed-power accelerator

Author(s):  
E. M. Waisman ◽  
R. D. McBride ◽  
M. E. Cuneo ◽  
D. F. Wenger ◽  
W. E. Fowler ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
2000 ◽  
Vol 153 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-162
Author(s):  
J. T. Smith
Keyword(s):  

1985 ◽  
Vol 51 (S2) ◽  
pp. 46-72
Author(s):  
Sue Browne

In all, 1065 fragments of bone were recovered from trench B. The bulk of the bone (868 fragments: 81%) came from the ditch; 121 fragments came from pits and scoops, 74 fragments from post holes and 1 fragment from a layer in the ‘working area’. Four of the pits and three of the post holes are in the ‘working area’ and they contained a total of 104 fragments of bone; the five post holes interpreted as a four-post structure contained 40 fragments of bone. With the exception of post holes 96 and 117, which contained one and two fragments of bone respectively, no bone was recovered from contexts east of the ditch running north-south at the eastern side of the site (39 and 78), nor from those contexts lying between its terminals. Two fragments of worked bone were recovered, one from context 5 in the ditch and one from post hole 75, which also contained one of the bird bones; the other bird bone came from context 41 in the ditch. The human remains and the dog bones were recovered exclusively from the ditch. The distribution of the bones of the larger domesticates and pig indicates consistency and continuity in disposal practices: 95.6% of the identified horse bones, 92.5% of the identified cattle bones and 80.5% of the identified pig bones w*re recovered from the ditch. Only the caprovid bones were spread more evenly over the site: 66.7% came from the ditch, 26.1% from the pits and scoops and 7.2% from post holes. Fragments of burnt bone were recovered from contexts 3 (ditch), 16 (post hole) and 107 (pit). Butchered and gnawed bones were distributed without any particular pattern in all three types of bone-bearing context.


Antiquity ◽  
1941 ◽  
Vol 15 (60) ◽  
pp. 371-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Matheson

The rabbit shares one characteristic with the archaeologist—both dig into the earth. Hence the latter, contemplating some object or evidence revealed by his spade, may sometimes be viewing merely the result of the activities of a humbler but much more numerous type of excavator. Is he not warned to ‘always make sure that an apparent post-hole is not a rabbit- or rat-hole’? And does not Professor James Ritchie describe the rabbit as ‘a burrower and a vandal which makes short cuts through the neat layers and classifications of the excavator’? On the other hand, the rabbit's activity or lack of it may on occasion be of service; it was a long patch of virgin turf on Easton Down, untouched by rabbits or moles, which led Dr Stone in 1932 to remove the turf, thus revealing a layer of tightly packed flint nodules covering a Bronze Age urn-field. Hence no apology, we feel, is needed for an article on the rabbit in a journal primarily concerned with archaeological research; particularly as much of the article deals with the status of the rabbit in medieval times, a topic which has already figured briefly in ANTIQUITY.


Author(s):  
Matthew R. Gomez ◽  
Michael E. Cuneo ◽  
Robert B. Campbell ◽  
William A. Stygar ◽  
David V. Rose ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
R.B. Spielman ◽  
P. Corcoran ◽  
J. Fockler ◽  
H. Kishi ◽  
P.W. Spence
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1984 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-238
Author(s):  
Nobuo Okada ◽  
Taichiro Katahira ◽  
Sinichi Tanaka ◽  
Tatsuya Mashio ◽  
Thizuko Nakano ◽  
...  
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Author(s):  
Timothy K. Perttula

Sometime around ca. A.D. 800, Lake Naconiche sites were no longer occupied by Woodland period groups of the Mossy Grove culture solely making sandy paste pottery or living as mobile hunting-gathering foragers. At this time, from ca. A.D. 750-800 to around A.D. 900, colder and drier conditions began to dominate the local weather. After ca. A.D. 800, were the aboriginal groups Caddo peoples or acculturated Mossy Grove folks? Some findings from the Lake Naconiche archaeological investigations at the Boyette site (41NA285) are relevant to this issue of ethnic affiliations and local, but nevertheless regional momentous, cultural changes. Putting that in context, as best as can be discerned in the archaeological records of the Woodland period occupations at the Naconiche Creek (41NA236) and Boyette sites, if there is any evidence of increasing sedentism, it is only apparent after ca. A.D. 400 or perhaps even as late as ca. A.D. 650, during the latter part of the period. Even so, these occupations were not sedentary in the sense of them being year-round occupations (as with the Caddo settlement history at Lake Naconiche) or even multiseasonal occupations. The sites do not have accumulations of midden deposits, there is no evidence for the construction of sturdy wood structures, and there are only a very modest assortment of burned rock, pit, or post hole features at the Woodland period sites. It is hard to disagree with Story’s characterization of Woodland period settlements in the general area that they reflect “intermittent encampments by a relatively small group or groups over a considerable period of time.” Woodland period sites are widely distributed on many different kinds of landforms, implying the generalized use of a wide variety of habitats for settlements as well as foraging pursuits. Without a more fine-grained Woodland period chronology for Mossy Grove culture sites in East Texas, which we are a long way from achieving, it is not possible to evaluate suggestions by Corbin that there were subtle shifts on the landscape of peoples that may have been a response to changes in subsistence (i.e., the possible growing of cultivated plants). The absence of cultigens other than squash from Woodland contexts in the Lake Naconiche paleobotanical record casts some doubt on the assertion that horticultural economies were developed during this time locally, although the number of flotation and fine-screen samples from pre-A.D. 800 contexts is still miniscule. Thus, the virtual absence of cultigens from Woodland times does not yet constitute a robust evaluation of Corbin’s suggestion. The development of sedentary life along Naconiche Creek appears to have taken place after ca. A.D. 800 by successful hunter-gatherer foragers and pottery makers, specifically amongst the earliest Caddo residents of the valley. Neither the adoption of pottery or the adoption of horticultural subsistence strategies (i.e., the cultivation of maize) appear to have been triggering events that led to the ability of these people to maintain multi-seasonal residences in the same places.


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