The Political Incorporation of Undocumented Youth

2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 356-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom K Wong ◽  
Angela S García ◽  
Carolina Valdivia

AbstractThis article develops and empirically tests a model of political incorporation for undocumented youth in the United States, focusing on nonvoting forms of political engagement. Using one of the first nationwide surveys of undocumented millennials between the ages of 18 and 35 (n = 1,472), we show that (1) undocumented youth express much higher levels of political efficacy and participation than the literature on immigrant political incorporation leads us to expect, (2) membership in organizations that work on immigration-related issues is a main determinant of this sense of political efficacy, and (3) through mediation analysis, that organizational membership (the mediator) influences how political efficacy affects political participation, and not the other way around. The literature on immigrant political incorporation is vast, but precedent studies too often focus on formal acts of political participation, such as naturalization and voting, by those with lawful immigration status. With an analytical focus on youth without lawful immigration status, this article contributes to theoretical and empirical knowledge about how and to what extent undocumented youth become politically active and engaged despite the many obstacles that exist to their formal participation in politics.

2020 ◽  
pp. 119-140
Author(s):  
Joel Thiessen ◽  
Sarah Wilkins-Laflamme

This chapter deals with political and civic engagement, once more comparing the actively religious, marginally religious, and unaffiliated. In terms of political engagement, the focus is on the many ways individuals are or are not politically active, including who they vote for. Discussion is similarly given to volunteering and charitable giving habits, such as if people volunteer or donate money (or not), how frequently and where they volunteer or give, and motivations for volunteering and giving. The chapter concludes with some possible social and civic implications on the horizon for those in the United States and Canada, should religious nones continue to hold a sizeable proportion of the population.


1981 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard D. Shingles

Recent research has demonstrated that black Americans are far more politically active than whites of similar socioeconomic status. The difference has been related to black consciousness. Yet the reasons for this relationship have not been adequately explained. Starting with the work of Gurin and Gamson, this article theorizes that black consciousness contributes to political mistrust and a sense of internal political efficacy which in turn encourages policy-related participation. The relationship between the two attitudes and policy-related behavior is demonstrated to be conditional. The conditions favor blacks more than whites. What I shall call the Gamson-Gurin thesis is supported by data from Verba's and Nie's 1967 survey of the American public. The thesis, and its derivations, prove useful in clarifying the scope and nature of black participation in the American political process as well as helping us to understand how individuals in general select one mode of participation over another and how the choice varies by race and social class.


2012 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 409-427 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Klemmensen ◽  
Peter K Hatemi ◽  
Sara Binzer Hobolt ◽  
Inge Petersen ◽  
Axel Skytthe ◽  
...  

Recent studies have shown that variation in political attitudes and participation can be attributed to both genes and the environment. This finding raises the question of why genes matter to participation, and by which pathways. Two hypotheses suggest that feelings of civic duty and sense of political efficacy intermediate the relationship between genes and political participation and, thus, that these traits have a common heritable component. If so, how robust are the relationships across cultural contexts? Utilizing two new twin studies on political traits, one in Denmark and one in the United States, we show that the heritability of political participation and political efficacy is remarkably similar across cultures. Moreover, most of the covariation between efficacy and political participation is accounted for by a common underlying genetic component.


2011 ◽  
Vol 55 (9) ◽  
pp. 1131-1159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irene Bloemraad

Cross-national comparison increases the complexity of data collection and analysis but offers the promise of innovative new knowledge; it is hard to know what is noteworthy about an outcome or process without a comparative reference point. Juxtaposing Canada and the United States, two countries more similar to each other than to any other, allows researchers to probe how particular variations can produce consequential differences. The article outlines key historic and contemporary similarities and differences that can affect immigrant political incorporation in North America, including different foundational minority conflicts and variations in current migrant flows. The author discusses the importance of specifying outcomes and how these outcomes can be approached from different levels of analysis. Finally, the author identifies several understudied questions, including cross-national variation in local political responses to immigration—significant in the United States, more muted in Canada—and the differential use of law and rights framing to advance immigrant causes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 991-1003 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Masuoka ◽  
Kumar Ramanathan ◽  
Jane Junn

In 2016, Asian Americans represented the fastest growing racial minority group in the United States largely due to the flow of new immigration. As a result, Asian Americans are poised to be the next major bloc of new voters in the electorate. Yet, as a largely new immigrant group, institutional barriers—in particular, naturalization and registration—are important factors which need to be more thoroughly taken into account when explaining Asian American participation patterns. In this article, we show how scholars can adopt a different strategy of analysis that recognizes both institutional barriers to political participation through immigrant status and variation across national origin group. We argue that structural impediments to participation and national origin differences have not been fully accounted for in previous explanations of Asian American political participation. Our analysis shows that when Asian Americans are disaggregated by incorporation status (being registered to vote, eligible but not registered to vote, or noncitizen), we gain new insights about the factors that predict political participation. The findings from an analysis of 2016 election data feature the unique behaviors of Filipinos, Asian Indians, and the Vietnamese and highlight that second-generation Asian Americans are not necessarily more participatory than their immigrant counterparts.


2010 ◽  
Vol 78 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Gerstle

AbstractThis essay offers a historical overview of processes of immigrant political incorporation in the United States. It identifies three dimensions of incorporation—legal, cultural, and institutional—and argues that the unevenness of progress among these three dimensions has rendered the process of incorporation fraught and frequently marked by contradiction. It also distinguishes between “acquiescent” and “transformational” modes of incorporation and stresses that the latter, though often perceived as threatening by the native-born, is often the more enduring and meaningful way of becoming American. Finally, it assesses the prospects for incorporation among immigrants in the United States today.


Author(s):  
Callie Spencer ◽  
Jeff Rose

Critical theorists have long examined cultural processes and their often deleterious effects on social and political movements. Using Kracauer’s mass ornament and Bourdieu’s construct of habitus, this study empirically investigates political participation and e-mobilization of civil society in the United States’ “democratic” regime. Through examining the popular social media application, Facebook, the authors sought to understand political participation and responses to a series of sociopolitical events over one month. Analyses explored the nature of the Facebook posts, evidence for various power inequalities, and the nature of political spaces created by Facebook users. Despite Facebook’s potential to be a social leveler and organizational tool for Hardt and Negri’s multitude, the authors’ analyses left them less than hopeful about the mobilizing potential of Facebook use in the United States. They outline cultural constraints inhibiting such political participation and point toward the possibilities of a more socially and politically active social media landscape.


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