scholarly journals How the European Parliament's participation in international relations affects the deep tissue of the EU's power structures

2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 904-929 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Eckes
2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 419-442 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Murray

What would it mean to construct a post-imperial discipline rather than a ‘post-Western’ one? ‘Post-imperial’ means addressing the ways in which colonial empires divided the world into separate realms of human capability and thought. The binary categories of Western and Eastern, or Western and non-Western, represent one such way of dividing the world according to an imperial imaginary. Rather than merely excluding, these divisions created justifications for local universalisms and power structures. Yet, many anti-Eurocentric scholars now make use of these categories in order to argue for fixed epistemic differences between Western and non-Western populations. Accordingly, I critique the imperial division of the world by drawing on the intellectual trajectories of two thinkers who struggled against empire in the 20th century: WEB Du Bois and Frantz Fanon. Du Bois and Fanon were both aware of how ethnic and cultural foundations for politics could reproduce imperial order, and, therefore, offer potential alternatives to Western/non-Western ontologies. This includes recognising that representations of difference are processual, determined by strategic necessity, and subject to incentives to represent difference within hierarchical institutions. This article builds on recent studies in International Relations and other disciplines to think through the legacies of empire in knowledge production, and to push towards more historical and relational approaches to world political and social inquiry.


Author(s):  
Lene Hansen

Poststructuralism is an International Relations (IR) theory that entered the domain of Security Studies during the Second Cold War. During this period, poststructuralists engaged with power, security, the militarization of the superpower relationship, and the dangers that the nuclear condition was believed to entail. Poststructuralism’s concern with power, structures, and the disciplining effects of knowledge seemed to resonate well with the main themes of classical realist Security Studies. At the same time, the discursive ontology and epistemology of poststructuralism set it apart not only from Strategic Studies, but from traditional peace researchers who insisted on “real world” material referents and objective conceptions of security. The unexpected end of the Cold War brought challenges as well as opportunities for poststructuralism. The most important challenge that arose was whether states needed enemies. The terrorist attacks of September 11 and “The War on Terror” also had a profound impact on poststructuralist discourse. First, poststructuralists held that “terrorism” and “terrorists” had no objective, material referent, but were signs that constituted a radical Other. They viewed the actions on September 11 as “terror,” “acts of war,” and “orchestrated,” rather than “accidents” committed by a few individuals. The construction of “terrorists” as “irrational” intersected with poststructuralist deconstructions of rational–irrational dichotomies that had also been central to Cold War discourse. These responses to “the War on Terror” demonstrated that poststructuralist theory still informs important work in Security Studies and that there are also crucial intersections between poststructuralism and other approaches in IR.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Jungmin Seo ◽  
Young Chul Cho

Abstract This study investigates how International Relations (IR) as an academic discipline emerged and evolved in South Korea, focusing on the country's peculiar colonial and postcolonial experiences. In the process, it examines why South Korean IR has been so state-centric and positivist (American-centric), while also disclosing the ways in which international history has shaped the current state of IR in South Korea, institutionally and intellectually. It is argued that IR intellectuals in South Korea have largely reflected the political arrangement of their time, rather than demonstrate academic independence or leadership for its government and/or civil society, as they have navigated difficult power structures in world politics. Related to this, it reveals South Korean IR's twisted postcoloniality, which is the absence – or weakness – of non-Western Japanese colonial legacies in its knowledge production/system, while its embracing the West/America as an ideal and better model of modernity for South Korea's security and development. It also reveals that South Korean IR's recent quest for building a Korean School of IR to overcome its Western dependency appears to be in operation within a colonial mentality towards mainstream American IR.


2003 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-441 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dale Copeland

Over the past decade, the English School of International Relations (IR) has made a remarkable resurgence. Countless articles and papers have been written on the School. Some of these works have been critical, but most have applauded the School's efforts to provide a fruitful ‘middle way’ for IR theory, one that avoids the extremes of either an unnecessarily pessimistic realism or a naively optimistic idealism. At the heart of this via media is the idea that, in many periods of history, states exist within an international society of shared rules and norms that conditions their behaviour in ways that could not be predicted by looking at material power structures alone. I f the English School (ES) is correct that states often follow these rules and norms even when their power positions and security interests dictate alternative policies, then American realist theory – a theory that focuses on power and security drives as primary causal forces in global politics – has been dealt a potentially serious blow.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-166
Author(s):  
José Gonzálvez

Neorealism gives us clues to how States -the main actor in international relations- interact with each other, and being their main mission their own survival, develops specific strategies to ensure it, the reasons for choosing between them, and the actions that they ensure the end goal. It will be within this theoretical framework that an attempt will be made to revisit the special relationship between Russia and China. Once ideological partners, other adversaries as heads of the two largest power structures under the umbrella of socialism, and today, it seems that powers are increasingly close in their common aversion to American power. And yet ... This work tries to identify Russia's strategic options, framed in the paradigm of the realist school.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felicia Pratto ◽  
Jim Sidanius ◽  
Fouad Bou Zeineddine ◽  
Nour Kteily ◽  
Shana Levin

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Thomas Elias Siddall

This article presents an autobiographical study of shifting queer formations in northeastern Beijing where the author participated in clubbing rituals and lived amongst members of Beijing’s queer communities. This resulted in a study of globalization and the Chinese state’s gentrification tactics which co-opt transgressive energy to infiltrate and dominate local queer spaces. Local and migrant queer bodies are using transnational means and techniques in claiming autonomy while continuously forming social spaces that subvert central power structures through affective power. These reterritorializations are then subject to global LGBT discourse, which uses gentrification of space as a form of constituting proper behaviour. Gentrification, as an international process, demands subversive energy and action in response, which ultimately defines queer youth as worthy of autonomy. These findings have research possibilities in developing Sino-queer migration within a post-positivist international relations and multiplex theory research program.


Author(s):  
Claire Timperley ◽  
Kate Schick

Abstract Pedagogy is fundamental to scholarship of global politics but too often remains unseen. Moreover, when it is seen, it is largely regarded as a narrow epistemological engagement concerned with the transmission of knowledge. We argue that pedagogies should be recognized as an ontological undertaking, shaping how we know, relate, and act. We draw attention to the subversive and generative potential of critical and creative pedagogies to critically interrogate dominant power structures and hegemonic narratives. The purpose of this article is not so much to point International Relations educators toward particular pedagogical practices, but to provoke reflection on what the pedagogies we habitually employ bring into being and what they foreclose. Revealing pedagogies as a source of power encourages intentional pedagogical practices to critique, diversify, and re-story global politics. In the final section of the article, we outline some of the ways we have transformed our pedagogical practices in recent years, paying particular attention to relationality and awareness of place and context.


Polar Record ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Njord Wegge

ABSTRACTIn the last few years, questions pertaining to cooperation and conflict in the Arctic have emerged in the media, as well as within academia. While many scholars have rightly rejected the prospect of an imminent escalation of conflicts, the current debate is insufficiently informed by the literature on political order within the field of international relations (IR). In this article, the author attempts to explain the political order in the Arctic, situating his analysis within the broader context of IR theory. Guided by the perspectives of ‘hegemonics stability’, ‘balance of power’ and ‘Kantian internationalist theory’, focus is laid on power capabilities, international regimes and domestic regime type as independent variables. The main finding is that the Arctic is a multipolar ‘region,’ the enduring stability and peacefulness of which can be explained by both the role played by international regimes, and by the balance of power between the ‘stakeholders’ involved. The paper concludes by explaining how and why the smaller littoral Arctic states are the prime beneficiaries of this order.


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