The political order in the Arctic: power structures, regimes and influence

Polar Record ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Njord Wegge

ABSTRACTIn the last few years, questions pertaining to cooperation and conflict in the Arctic have emerged in the media, as well as within academia. While many scholars have rightly rejected the prospect of an imminent escalation of conflicts, the current debate is insufficiently informed by the literature on political order within the field of international relations (IR). In this article, the author attempts to explain the political order in the Arctic, situating his analysis within the broader context of IR theory. Guided by the perspectives of ‘hegemonics stability’, ‘balance of power’ and ‘Kantian internationalist theory’, focus is laid on power capabilities, international regimes and domestic regime type as independent variables. The main finding is that the Arctic is a multipolar ‘region,’ the enduring stability and peacefulness of which can be explained by both the role played by international regimes, and by the balance of power between the ‘stakeholders’ involved. The paper concludes by explaining how and why the smaller littoral Arctic states are the prime beneficiaries of this order.

Author(s):  
О.В. Мифтахова ◽  
К.Г. Мокрова

Данная статья освещает специфику языковых средств, используемых в немецких СМИ для создания образа политического деятеля. Поскольку средства массовой информации обладают мощнейшим манипулятивным действием, они играют ведущую роль в формировании массового сознания и социального мнения. В СМИ специально создаются политические образы не только отдельных представителей власти, но и государств в целом. Политический имидж лидеров стран влияет на развитие международных отношений: от положительной или негативной окраски того или иного государственного деятеля напрямую зависит успешность проведения внешней политики страны. Цель статьи - рассмотреть на примере двух немецких политиков, Сары Вагенкнехт и Аннегрет Крамп-Карренбауэр, языковые средства создания имиджа, формирующие у аудитории данных деятелей субъективное мнение о них. СМИ выступает мощнейшим оружием в данном вопросе, придавая особую значимость тем или иным высказываниям политиков. Выражая собственную оценку, средства массовой информации незаметно влияют на сознание и суждения людей. Предмет исследования - средства выразительности, которые оказывают воздействие на создание положительных или негативных медиаобразов политиков Германии. Актуальность темы проявляется в необходимости правильно трактовать тонкости речи и письма, которые могут формировать оценочные мнения о том или ином политическом деятеле. This article considers the issues of language means of creating the image of a politician used in the German media. Since the media have a powerful manipulative effect, they play a leading role in creating mass consciousness and social opinion. In the media, political images are specially formed not only of individual representatives of the government, but also of the state as a whole. The political image of the leaders of states have the influence the development of international relations: the success of the country's foreign policy directly depends on the positive or negative coloring of a statesman. The purpose of the article is to examine, using the example of two German politicians, Sarah Wagenknecht and Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, as language means for creating an image, forming a subjective opinion of them among the audience. The media act as a powerful weapon in this matter, attaching particular importance to certain statements of politicians. Expressing their own assessment, the media imperceptibly affect the consciousness and judgments of people. The subject of the research is the means of expression that influence the creation of positive or negative media images of German politicians. The relevance of the topic is manifested in the need to understand the intricacies of speech and writing, which can form evaluative opinions about a concrete political figure.


2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 361-374
Author(s):  
Isha Sharma

As globalization gained currency in international politics, multilateral negotiations increasingly expanded their scope to include environmental issues. Still, the political dimension of environmental change remains underrepresented in international relations (IR) theorization. This article aims to focus on the theoretical fortification in the mainstream IR when it comes to transboundary environmental threats. Since the threats of climate change and environmental degradation cannot be contained within the sovereign territories of states, the state-centric conception of the political order in the conventional approaches to IR fails to respond to the threats that are planetary in nature. The article seeks to answer two questions: (a) What are the inadequacies in the realist and liberal concepts of political order vis-à-vis climate change? (b) How to destabilize the conventional assumptions of political order with the aim of making it more receptive to the concerns associated with climate change? To do the latter, the article delves into the work of Robert Cox in order to delineate his intersubjective approach, which combines the material basis of political order with social relations of production. By doing so, this approach also sheds light on the transnational variants of hegemonic power, making it a useful explanatory framework for political implications of climate change.


Author(s):  
DANIELLE CHARETTE

Both champions and critics of “neorealism” in contemporary international relations misinterpret David Hume as an early spokesman for a universal and scientific balance-of-power theory. This article instead treats Hume’s “Of the Balance of Power,” alongside the other essays in his Political Discourses (1752), as conceptual resources for a historically inflected analysis of state balancing. Hume’s defense of the balance of power cannot be divorced from his critique of commercial warfare in “Of the Balance of Trade” and “Of the Jealousy of Trade.” To better appreciate Hume’s historical and economic approach to foreign policy, this article places Hume in conversation with Machiavelli, Guicciardini, Andrew Fletcher, and Montesquieu. International relations scholars suspicious of static paradigms should reconsider Hume’s genealogy of the balance of power, which differs from the standard liberal and neorealist accounts. Well before International Political Economy developed as a formal subdiscipline, Hume was conceptually treating economics and power politics in tandem.


2019 ◽  
pp. 285-298
Author(s):  
م.د.حيدر زاير العامري

The international order have been changed during the modern and contemporary history, and however those changing in international order doesn't go to beyond several concepts such as " balance of power";" conflict"; "power" and " threaten", which all those are depending on the fundamentals or basic terms which was called " power" or" hard power". In this time, we can say that the political relations among the effective units could be analyzed according to the concept of " balance of threaten" instead of the classic concept which had called " balance of power" that the scholars used to describe the international relations . In conclusion , the concept of " balance of threaten" has a significant importance in the studies of the international relations especially after the attack of 11 september at the U.S.


Refuge ◽  
1998 ◽  
pp. 30-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Dillon

The refugee is a scandal for philosophy in that the refugee recalls the radical instability of meaning and the incalculability of the human. The refugee is a scandal for politics also, however, in that the advent of the refugee is always a reproach to the formation of the political order subjectivity which necessarily gives rise to the refugee. The scandal is intensified for any politics of identity which presupposes that the goal of politics is the realization of sovereign identity. The principal argument, then, is that what I will call the scandal of the refugee illuminates both the fundamental ontological determinations of international politics and the character of political action, because the refugee is both a function of the intentional political destruction of the ontological horizons of people's always already heterogeneous worlds, and effects an equally fundamental deconstruction of the ontological horizons which constitute the equally heterogeneous worlds into which, as refugees, these people are precipitated. It is precisely on this concrete and corporeal site that both the ontological horizons and the allied political decision-making of modern politics are thrown into stark relief and profoundly called into question. For it is precisely here that the very actions of modern politics both create and address the incidence of its own massive and self-generated, political abjection. If that is one of the principal ends of international relations, one is forced to ask, what does it take as its beginning? If, in other words, the vernacular political architecture of modern international power commonly produces 1:115 forcibly displaced people globally, one is inclined to ask about the foundations upon which that architecture is itself based.


Author(s):  
Joel Penney

This concluding chapter addresses the controversy of “slacktivism” and argues that mediated symbolic action does not necessarily become a substitute for other forms of political participation. However, it does present several notable risks: in addition to potentially exacerbating political polarization and partisanship, it may also attenuate the connection between symbolic victories in the media and complex political realities on the ground. The challenge, then, for those who adopt these practices is to work to retain and strengthen connections between style and substance, which requires introspection about the political content they spread to others and what they hope to achieve by doing so. In addition, a critical literacy of citizen marketing must also include an enhanced awareness of the broader power structures that bear upon it, from elite attempts to shape peer-to-peer political messaging flows to serve institutional agendas to gaps in technological access and skills that reproduce digital inequality.


Author(s):  
Gabrielle Lynch

The term “peaceocracy” refers to a situation in which an emphasis on peace is used to prioritize stability and order to the detriment of democracy. As such, the term can be used to refer to a short-lived or longer-term strategy whereby an emphasis on peace by an incumbent elite is used to close the political space through the delegitimization and suppression of activity that could arguably foster division or conflict. At the heart of peaceocracy lies an insistence that certain actions—including those that are generally regarded as constituting important political and civil rights, such as freedom of speech and association, freedom of the press, and freedom to engage in peaceful protest and strike action—can spill over into violence and foster division and must therefore be avoided to guard against disorder. Recent history suggests that incumbents can effectively establish a peaceocracy in contexts where many believe that widespread violence is an ever-present possibility; incumbents have, or are widely believed to have, helped to establish an existing peace; and the level of democracy is already low. In such contexts, a fragile peace helps to justify a prioritization of peace; the idea that incumbents have “brought peace” strengthens their self-portrait as the unrivaled guardians of the same; and semi-authoritarianism provides a context in which incumbents are motivated to use every means available to maintain power and are well placed—given, for example, their control over the media and civil society—to manipulate an emphasis on peace to suppress opposition activities. Key characteristics of peaceocracy include: an incumbent’s effective portrait of an existing peace as fragile and themselves as the unrivaled guardians of order and stability; a normative notion of citizenship that requires “good citizens” to actively protect peace and avoid activities that might foster division and conflict; and the use of these narratives of guardianship and disciplined citizenship to justify a range of repressive laws and actions. Peaceocracy is thus a strategy, rather than a discreet regime type, which incumbents can use in hybrid regimes as part of their “menu of manipulation,” and which can be said to be “successful” when counter-narratives are in fact marginalized and the political space is effectively squeezed.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 448-480
Author(s):  
Hermes Moreira Jr.

A concepção de uma disciplina acadêmica sistematizada para o estudo das relações internacionais se deu atrelada à necessidade de criação de um arcabouço teórico para a compreensão da dinâmica do sistema internacional e das possibilidades de mudança ou estabilidade da ordem política nesse sistema. Nesse sentido, o objetivo deste texto é demonstrar em que medida as teorias do chamado mainstream acadêmico, tradicionais na análise da política internacional, ao naturalizar a conformação da ordem política internacional e minimizar o papel das disputas entre as forças sociais na constituição das relações internacionais, exercem um papel favorável à manutenção da ordem hegemônica e conservação do status quo. Não obstante, perspectivas contestatórias reconheceram e evidenciaram os limites das teorias do mainstream e preencheram a lacuna político-acadêmica contida nas teorias tradicionais de Relações Internacionais ao longo do desenvolvimento de seu campo acadêmico e institucional. Abstract: The design of an academic discipline for the systematic study of international relations occurred tied to the need to establish a theoretical framework for understanding the dynamics of the international system and the possibilities for change or stability of the political order in this system. Accordingly, this paper aims to demonstrate the extent to which the so-called mainstream academic theories, traditional analysis of international politics, to naturalize the conformation of the international political order and minimize the role of the disputes between the social forces in the constitution of international relations, play a role in favor of maintaining the hegemonic order and preserving the status quo. Nevertheless, prospects contesting recognized and showed the limits of the mainstream theories and filled the political and academic gap contained in traditional theories of international relations during the development of their academic and institutional concepts. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nunik Hariyani ◽  
Hermin Indah Wahyuni ◽  
Christian Budiman

This research moves from the reality of media life of area in Madiun of East Java which experiencing changes in line with social politics situation of Indonesia. Media is a commodity that can be exchanged, it is exploit all the potential and various social forces that exist. This study aims to know and analyze the stuctutation of regional mass media, the weekly magazine of Kridha Rakyat in Madiun, East Java. The theory used is the political economy approach that is the structuration according to Vincent Mosco. The method used is descriptive qualitative with data collection technique through interview, observation, ethnography and content analysis. The results show that the media perform the process of production and reproduction of power structures by media rulers (owner) by utilizing media agents and social relationship with other structure outside media. The media produces a series of power-reinforcing powers that ultimately reinforce the media's position.


INFORMASI ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Nita Andrianti

AbstractIn international politics, the mass media is not only a source of political information but also trigger the occurrence of political change. In general, the mass media has a specific tendency for reporting international coverage of the political events. In short, the media has a major role in the international political communication. Active involvement of the media have spawned the term “media diplomacy”, the mass media as a channel in a diplomatic mission of a state against another state. As “media diplomacy”, the mass media not only report diplomatic events, but also act as negosiator.Related to the media diplomacy that the media as one of the actors in the dynamic system of international relations. Indonesia’s position in the system of international relations greatly influenced the mass media actors.AbstrakDalam politik internasional, media massa bukan hanya sumber informasi politik, tetapi juga kerap menjadi pendorong terjadinya perubahan politik. Secara umum media massa memiliki kecenderungan--kecenderungan tertentu dalam melakukan liputan pada peristiwa politik internasional. Dalam wujud yang lebih konkret, media memiliki peranan besar dalam komunikasi politik internasional.Keterlibatan aktif media ini telah melahirkan istilah “media diplomacy’ artinya media massa sebagai saluran dalam menjalankan misi diplomasi sebuah negara tehadap negara lainnya. Sebagai “media diplomacy”, media massa tidak hanya sekadar meliput peristiwa diplomatik, tetapi media massa harus memiliki sikap sebagai seorang negosiator.Terkait dengan media diplomacy bahwa media sebagai salah satu aktor dalam dinamika tata hubungan internasional. Posisi Indonesia dalam tata hubungan internasional sangat dipengaruhi aktor media massa tersebut.Keywords: Mass Media, Internasional, Politic Communication, Diplomacy.


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