Gendered nationalism and constitutionalism

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 441-446
Author(s):  
Ruth Rubio-Marín

Abstract Modern constitutions play, to a larger or lesser extent, several simultaneous political functions, including the definition of a rights-based political order, the organization of state powers, and the crafting of the nation. Feminist analysis of constitutional law has so far primarily focused on the denial or limitation of an equal rights status to women since the inception of constitutions. More recently, it has also challenged the gender composition of state institutions as well as the gendered implications of the various forms of government and power structures. In times of worldwide expanding nationalism, serious reflection on the many ways in which nationalism has always been, and still is, a gendered enterprise is called for. Relying on the categories identified in the work of Yuval-Davis, this article distinguishes between nationalist ideologies that focus on the definition of citizenship in specific states and territories (the “Staatnation”), those that place an emphasis on specific cultures or religions (the “Kulturnation”), and those that are constructed around the specific origin of the people and its continuation into the future (the “Volknation”). This article also shows, relying on the example of several contemporary constitutional struggles across the world, how these three dimensions of nationalism often continue to deny equal constitutional citizenship to women and sexual minorities.

GIS Business ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 243-252
Author(s):  
Dr. M.A. Bilal Ahmed ◽  
Dr. S. Thameemul Ansari

SHG is a movement which came to being in the early 1969. Prof. Muhammed Younus, a great economist of Bangladesh took initiative in setting up Self Help Groups and these SHGs were gradually spread all over the world. This social movement unites the people hailing from poor background. Those who are joining this group feel socially and economically responsible to one another. In India, there are some likeminded bodies and stakeholders of some government organizations play pivotal role towards the formation of SHG In this research article, role of SHGs in Vellore district is studies under the three dimensions of Cognitive role, leadership role and role towards entrepreneurship.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doli Witro

Democracy is a government of the people, by the people and for the people. The popularity of the democratic system is arguably at its peak. This is proven by the many uses of the democratic system in modern countries in the world. Indonesia as a country that runs a democratic system does not give authority to the authorities to monopolize votes in an election. Because security and freedom for every citizen, free to choose as a representation of the sovereignty of the people. But on the side that democracy often happens is seen as freedom so that there are some elements mixing elements in democracy that actually damage democracy itself. Call it when campaigning for a candidate to hate speech, insult, and berate other candidates so that damage the good name in the eyes of the community. As reported in Detik.com in 2016, the National Police stated that there were 2,018 cases of hate speech that occurred. Then it increased by 44.99% in 2017 to 3,325 cases. Furthermore, in 2018 reported in January 2019 there were 3,884 cases of hate speech that occurred. This proves that in campaigning the candidates cannot be said to campaign peacefully, fairly and competitively. Whereas Allah s.w.t. It has been said in Surah al-Hujurat verse 11. Based on the description above the writer is interested in discussing and studying more about the campaign in the Elections in Indonesia and campaigning peacefully perspective of Surah al-Hujurat verse 11. This is important to discuss given the rampant hate speech cases that conducted by candidates in campaigning. This study aims to contribute knowledge to the candidates so that in campaigning, they do not utter hate speech, insult, and berate other candidates.


Author(s):  
Inam Ullah Wattoo ◽  
Yasir Farooq

This study presents a critical analysis on the charter of human rights of United Nations, as it was design to promote peace and justice in the world but unfortunately it was not come in true. So the concepts and impacts of human rights presented by UN will be examine in the light of Seerah, and to find out the reasons which caused its failure. It is historical observation that fundamental human rights are very essential for justice and peace in the world. All the peoples have equal rights in all respects. No one is allowed to disregard the rights of others on the basis of race, color and religion. Holy Prophet Muḥammad (PBUH) founded the state of Yathrab and first time in the history declared the fundamental rights of human and vanished the differences based on race, color and gender. Rights for slaves, war prisoners and women were not only defined but were implemented by legal procedure in very short time. In 1948 United Nation declared a charter for human rights which proclaimed that inherent dignity and equal rights are the foundation of freedom, justice and peace of the world. This charter consist on 30 articles regarding individual and common rights of human. This charter of UN guaranteed the security of all fundamental rights of all human being. Although there are number of articles which caused uneasiness among the people of different religions such as article No. 19. Freedom of opinion and express must be observed but it should must be keep in mind that some irresponsible elements of different societies are using this for their criminal purposes as cartoon contest on Prophet Muḥammad (PBUH) by Geert wilders of Holland in recent days caused huge disturbance for world peace. Whereas, the Prophet of Islām ordered the Muslim to respect the clergy of other religions even He (PBUH) halted the Muslims to abuse the idols.


Author(s):  
Henry Tam

This chapter provides a critical introduction to the problem of disengagement between governments and citizens. It looks at different arguments for reforming the scope and approach adopted by the state and explains why the way forward has to be through more effective state-citizen cooperation. It also gives a general outline of the three parts of the book. The first part examines the theoretical background and recent development of state-citizen cooperation to find out why more attention should be given to advance it; how its impact should be judged; and what makes it distinctive and complementary to other proposals on improving democratic governance. The second part reviews policies and strategies that have been tried out in different parts of the world to enable citizens and state institutions to work together in an informed and collaborative manner in defining and pursuing the public good. The final part considers how various underlying barriers to effective state-citizen cooperation can be overcome, with reference to specific case examples.


1997 ◽  
Vol 18 (01) ◽  
pp. 54-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Houlgate

In his lectures on the philosophy of history Hegel passes this famous judgement on the French Revolution. “Anaxagoras had been the first to say that nous governs the world; but only now did humanity come to recognize that thought should rule spiritual actuality. This was thus a magnificent dawn”. What first gave rise to discontent in France, in Hegel's view, were the heavy burdens that pressed upon the people and the government's inability to procure for the Court the means of supporting its luxury and extravagance. But soon the new spirit of freedom and enlightenment began to stir in men's minds and carry them forward to revolution. “One should not, therefore, declare oneself against the assertion”, Hegel concludes, “that the Revolution received its first impulse from Philosophy” (VPW, p 924). However, Hegel points out that the legacy of the revolution is actually an ambiguous one. For, although the principles which guided the revolution were those of reason and were indeed magnificent – namely, that humanity is born to freedom and self-determination – they were held fast in their abstraction and turned “polemically”, and at times terribly, against the existing order (VPW, p 925). What ultimately triumphed in the revolution was thus not concrete reason itself, but abstract reason or understanding (VPW, p 923). In Hegel's view, the enduring legacy of such revolutionary understanding was, not so much the Terror, but the principle that “the subjective wills of the many should hold sway” (VPW, p 932). This principle, which Hegel calls the principle of “liberalism” and which we would call the principle of majority rule, has since spread from France to become one of the governing principles of modern stat. It has been used to justify granting universal suffrage, to justify depriving corporations and the nobility of the right to sit in the legislature, and in some cases to justify abolishing the monarchy. What is of crucial importance for Hegel, however, is that such measures have not rendered the state more modern and rational, but have in fact distorted the modern state.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
PATRICK A. MESSERLIN

AbstractThere is no doubt that trade and climate policies can be mutually destructive. But there are three strong reasons to suggest that they can also be mutually supportive: they have a common problem, common foes, and common friends. Mutual support would be much stronger if the world regimes for these two policies shared a few common principles. The climate community should feel at ease with the broad WTO principles of ‘national treatment’ and ‘most-favoured nation’, and rely on them in building its own treaty and institutions. The trade community should grasp the opportunity to benefit from the better disciplines on adjustment policies that it is hoped the climate community will design.These conclusions should put the many pending problems into a more positive perspective, and persuade negotiators to find pragmatic compromises, as was the case with the GATT. Using this perspective, the paper focuses on a few key issues, such as the definition of carbon border taxes and the reasons to ban carbon tariffs. Other cases of mutual support are examined. For instance, the climate community should not repeat the mistakes of the world trade regime in dealing with the developing and least developed countries.


Author(s):  
Nick Aplin

Athens 1896, Chamonix 1924, Singapore 2010, and Innsbruck 2012 represent the four major games innovations introduced by the International Olympic Committee (IOC). Being seen as an efficient and gracious host of the inaugural Youth Olympic Games (YOG) signified a growing reputation that enhanced Singapore's global status. The interactions and interdependencies between state institutions, international associations, private bodies, and the people themselves served to reinforce existing sentiments that Singapore was not only successfully integrating sporting initiatives into the broader strategy for nation building but also sending out a resounding message to the rest of the world. This chapter examines the motivations, organisational processes, and linked issues that helped to establish Singapore as a country capable of creating an Olympic event and simultaneously marketing the Singapore brand. Negative financial and logistic issues could not overshadow the benefits that emerged to enhance the regional and global identity of the small island state.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katie Shilton

Mobile phones could become the largest surveillance system on the planet. These ubiquitous, networked devices can currently sense and upload data such as images, sound, location, and motion using on-board cameras, microphones, GPS, and accelerometers. And they can be triggered and controlled by billions of individuals around the world. But the emergent, wide-scale sensing systems that phones support pose a number of questions. Who will control the necessary infrastructure for data storage, analysis, sharing, and retention? And to what purposes will such systems be deployed? This paper explores whether these questions can be answered in ways that promote empowering surveillance: large-scale data collection used by individuals and communities to improve their quality of life and increase their power relative to corporations and governments. Researchers in academic and industry laboratories around the world are currently coordinating mobile phone networks for purposes that expand the definition of surveillance. Technology movements, variously called personal sensing, urban sensing or participatory sensing, have emerged within the areas of social computing and urban computing. These research programs endeavor to make ubiquitous devices such as phones a platform for coordinated investigation of human activity. Researchers are exploring ways to introduce these technologies into the public realm, a move that anticipates sensing by people across the world. This paper uses ethnographic data collected in a sensing development laboratory to illuminate possibilities that participatory sensing holds for equitable use, meaningful community participation, and empowerment. Analyzing the motivations and values embedded within the design process and resulting technologies reveals ways in which participatory sensing builds tools for empowering surveillance and responds to the many ethical challenges these new technologies raise.


2004 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-424 ◽  
Author(s):  
VIVIEN MILLER

In February 1941, thirty male San Quentin prisoners petitioned Governor Culbert Levy Olson of California (the state's first Democrat governor in the twentieth century) to stop the execution of Eithel Leta Juanita Spinelli, “a merciless gang leader called the Duchess,” who had been convicted, along with her common-law husband and another male accomplice, of the murder of nineteen-year-old Robert Sherrard. All three defendants were sentenced to die in the gas chamber. Former San Quentin warden, Clinton T. Duffy, remembered Spinelli as “the coldest, hardest character, male or female” that he had “ever known,” and utterly lacking in “feminine appeal.” Thus the presentation of a jailhouse petition to save her from the gas chamber rather perplexed him, and he remained firm in his belief that the majority of San Quentin's inmates were unconcerned by the impending execution. Nonetheless, the petitioners argued that Spinelli should not be executed and offered to take her place either in the death chamber, or to serve out her life term in the event of a commutation of sentence. According to Duffy, the prisoners asserted “that Mrs. Spinelli's execution would be repulsive to the people of California; that no woman in her right mind could commit the crime charged to her; that the execution of a woman would hurt California in the eyes of the world; that both the law and the will of the people were against the execution; that Mrs. Spinelli, as the mother of three children, should have special consideration; that California's proud record of never having executed a woman should not be spoiled”.


1916 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-250
Author(s):  
Charles W. Needham

One of the most striking features of our constitutional law is the persistent purpose to protect the liberties of the people from arbitrary power by vesting the functions of sovereignty in three coördinate departments of government. This division is accomplished by express provisions in some state constitutions and by necessary implication in all constitutions, federal and state. By judicial construction the legislature may not exercise judicial or administrative powers; the executive may not exercise legislative or judicial powers, and the judiciary is denied the exercise of legislative or administrative powers. This fundamental principle of constitutional law is established by judicial decisions, both state and federal, of long standing and uninterrupted unanimity.A commission is an administrative body; may it exercise judicial functions, and if so to what extent? The question involves, first, a definition of judicial functions; second, a statement of the exceptions to the rule that judicial powers may not be exercised by the administrative department; and, third, an appreciation of the relation of judicial determinations to the regulatory powers vested in commissions. We may then consider whether or not the present scope of judicial determinations by commissions, and the court review of such determinations, are satisfactory.


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