The Peasants' Revolt and the Government of England

1990 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. M. Ormrod

The outbreak of the Peasants' Revolt in the summer of 1381 was arguably the most serious threat ever posed to the stability of English government in the course of the Middle Ages. All historians are agreed that government policy was in large part responsible for the rising. The failure of the crown to maintain its hold over territory in France and to defend the coasts of England, the tendency to bow to pressure from the landed classes and restrict the economic and legal rights of the peasantry, and the outrageous and inequitable taxes of the 1370s, culminating in the commissions to enforce the poll tax in the spring of 1381, all these factors combined to provoke a widespread and perhaps coordinated outbreak of rebellion in southeast England, as well as many more spontaneous and isolated revolts in the West, the Midlands, and the North. Not surprisingly, in most areas the rebellion was directed principally against the agents of the crown. The young Richard II may have been immune from attack, but this only served to increase criticism of his ministers and agents, who were believed to have usurped royal authority and abused the trust placed in them by king and community.Considering the dramatic events surrounding this assault on royal government and the wealth of material available in the chronicles and the official records, it is surprising that so few historians have examined the specific question of how administration was affected during and after the events of 1381.

1836 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 165-188

This province, the government of which is now administered by the British, formed in ancient times the greater part of the principality, or fiefship, of the Sétu-pattis, the chiefs or guardians of the passage leading from the continent of India to the island of Ráméswara, and thence to the opposite coast of Ceylon, called Ráma's Bridge, or Adam's Bridge. These chieftains, dating their authority from the period of the establishment of a place of pilgrimage on the island of Ráméswara, by the Great Ráma, claim an antiquity even higher than that of the Pándyans, or kings of Madura, but to whom, it would appear, that they were, in general, tributary, though now and then asserting and maintaining their independence. Of their history, however, we are not now to speak, but of the province as it was in the year 1814, when the data were taken from which chiefly the following account is compiled. It lies between the ninth and tenth degrees of north latitude, and the seventy-eighth and seventy-ninth of east longitude; is bounded on the north by the provinces of Tanjore and Pudukotta, on the south and east by the sea, and on the west by the districts of Tinnevelly, Madura, and Sivaganga; and comprehends an area of nearly two thousand five hundred square miles. Its general aspect is that of high and low lands, the latter having numerous artificial lakes, constructed for the purpose of promoting cultivation; the former exhibiting a variety of dry grain-fields, while the northern districts abound with extensive groves of Palmyra trees, with scarcely a vestige of jungle. The whole is divided into seventeen districts, comprising one thousand six hundred and sixtyeight towns and principal and subordinate villages, with a population, at the period to which we allude, of about one hundred and fifty-seven thousand.


Archaeologia ◽  
1812 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 9-13
Author(s):  
Stephen Weston

I have the honour to present to your Lordship and the Society, for their inspection, a curious, unpublished, autonomous, small brass coin of Sala in Phrygia, in fine preservation, of excellent workmanship, and undoubted antiquity. The type of this coin is a bearded, and laureated head, and on the reverse a bunch of grapes with the letters CAΛH very distinct: the NΩN, or termination of the word CAΛHNΩN, is now not visible, owing to the nun, omega, and nun, having been clipped, in order to reduce the size of, the coin, that it might be set as a gem. This we know has been sometimes the case with coins of superior workmanship. The position of Sala was upon the Mænder, between Pylaceum and Gazèna, to the north and south of it, making the boundary of Phrygia towards Lycia. Its longitude, in Mercator's map, is from Ptolemy 60–15, and latitude, which is reckoned, after its longitude, is 38–20. It lies on the river to the west of Mount Taurus, between the Lycus and the Mænder. This Sala, in Phrygia magna, is not mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus, Strabo, or D'Anville; and, although passed over in silence by these great names in geography, richly deserves to be recorded, were it only for its excellence in the numismatic art, in its free state, and under the government of its own laws.


Author(s):  
Rinaldi Mirsa ◽  
Muhammad Muhammad ◽  
Eri Saputra ◽  
Izzati Farhana

Samudera Pasai is one of the Islamic Sultanates in Indonesia which appeared in the Middle Ages or around 1267 AD. Evidence of the existence of the Sultanate of Samuedra Pasai in Indonesia is listed in the book Rihlah ilal-Masyriq (Wanderings to the East) written by Abu Abdullah Ibnu Batutha (1304 - 1368 AD), a Muslim adventurer who traveled to Samudera Pasai in 1345 AD. The spatial pattern of the Samudera Pasai Sultanate is no longer visible because there are no traces of archaeological remains in the form of any remaining buildings, except for the tombs of Sultanate figures and historical records of foreign adventurers who have explored the Samudera Pasai Sultanate. This record strengthens the evidence of the existence of the Samudera Pasai Sultanate. The methodology used in this case is a phenomenological approach and a historical approach, which are expected to approach optimal results in uncovering spatial patterns in the development of Islam. The spatial arrangement of the sultanate generally used the concept of catur gatra tungga, which was arranged in the form of: alun-alun (the square) as the center of space, markets to the north of the square, palaces to the south of the square, and mosques to the west of the square. The spatial arrangement then formed a spatial pattern that became the center of the Samudera Pasai Sultanate.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-162
Author(s):  
Jan Uelzmann

Konrad Adenauer's government in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) engaged in a large-scale media campaign to create political consent for the FRG's integration into the West, a policy that rested to a large extent on rearmament and entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. To counter public criticism of rearmament, the West German authorities used Mobilwerbung, a company that maintained a fleet of mobile film screening vans. Clandestinely financed by the government, Mobilwerbung brought government-commissioned films and political speakers into the FRG's remotest areas. Based on archival records on deployments in Lower Saxony and North Rhine-Westphalia, this article traces Mobilwerbung's role as a government unit that reacted dynamically to competing events. Through highly detailed reporting on audience reactions, Mobilwerbung served both as a public relations vehicle to foster consent and as an analytical tool that allowed the mapping of public sentiment regarding rearmament.


1957 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 195-199

On September 28, 1956, Lord Ismay, Secretary General, called a special meeting of the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to consider the implications of the decision by the government of the German Federal Republic to request the west German parliament to establish the term of national compulsory military service at 12 in lieu of 18 months. The Council feared that this decision would very probably prevent the German Federal Republic from meeting its commitments to NATO. The west German representative stated that his government would meet its previously negotiated commitments both as to quality and quantity; west German regular forces would be raised from 230,000 to 300,000 to compensate for the reduction of availability of conscripts. The Council requested the west German representative to inform his government of the concern of the Council.


1990 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 484-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Almond

THE VIOLENCE WHICH MARKED THE OVERTHROW OF Nicolae Ceaugescu's regime at Christmas 1989, and the recurrent disorders, especially in Bucharest, which have punctuated developments over the last nine months, have made Romania's experience of anti-Communist revolution strikingly different from that of its neighbours to the north and to the west. Whatever the political and social tensions emerging in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Poland (and whatever may be the GDR's legacy to a reunified Germany), it is unlikely that the charge of neo-communism will be central to their political debate. It is precisely that charge levelled against the government party (National Salvation Front/FSN) and against the person of Ion Ilescu by various opposition groups, and former prominent dissidents under Ceaugescu, which remains the most emotive issue in Romanian politics. The question of whether the revolution which overthrew Nicolae Ceauyescu and led to the dissolution of the Romanian Communist Party (RCP) was the result of a popular uprising or a coup d'état planned by Party members has haunted Romanian politics through the first nine months of the post-Ceauqescu period.


Author(s):  
George Rodney Blane

Sirmór is bounded, on the north by Bisér, from which it is divided by the river Páber; on the west by Hindūr and the Barah Tukrái, or twelve districts; on the south by the Sikh possessions; and on the east by Gerhwál, and the river Jumna. It is divided into Pergunahs, and each Pergunah into Pattis. The head of a Patti is styled a Siana, and is responsible to the Government for its revenues. Some villages are possessed by the tenure of military service. Náhen is the capital, once a flourishing town.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fanny S. Alam

Minority religions are a fact of life in Indonesia. The state is supposed to secure their legal rights and obligations, just as they would for any other religious group, including through the recognition of local beliefs on state-issued ID cards. On 24 February 2019, six individuals in Bandung identified as societies in local belief systems, received ID cards from the West Java government. These cards included the usual comment that all citizens were deemed to accept belief in ‘the one and only God’. This sparked opposition from the Indonesia Ulema Council. In addition to expressing criticism of the slow implementation and complex process for obtaining the ID cards, the body criticized the Indonesia Constitutional Court for recognizing local belief systems in this manner. Arguments for and against the issue of local belief recognition are ongoing. Nevertheless, it is imperative for the government, both at the national and local levels, to remain steadfast in its attempt to recognize local belief systems while more intense socialization attempts are enacted. Keywords: local rights, recognition, minority religions


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Liliane Mojau

Ideally, the proliferation of the administrative region is aimed at improving the welfare of society. In reality, the proliferation of the administrative region often triggers the regional disputation. The regional disputation between the North Halmahera and the West Halmahera regencies is one of the cases that took a long time. There are six villages that contested in this regional disputation, namely Dum-Dum, Gamsungi/Akesahu, Akelamo Kao, Tetewang, Bobane Igo, and Pasir Putih. At first, the government of the North Halmahera and the West Halmahera regencies coordinated to settle their region boundaries. But it develops to the status issue of the six villages: are the six villages part of the North Halmahera or the West Halmahera regencies. This research is aimed at explaining the regional disputation between the North Halmahera and the West Halmahera regencies, 2003-2010. The method used in this research is the historical method, which consists of four stages, namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The result of this research indicates there are cultural dimension that colored this regional disputation and there is a role of local political elites (DPRD Halmahera Utara).


Significance The forces of the internationally-recognised government, backed by a Saudi-led coalition, in 2015 routed Huthi rebels from Aden and the southern coast, and also made progress in the central Marib province. However, their advance faltered in early 2016 as it approached the densely-populated highlands, where the rebels have a natural support base. It had appeared that this deadlock might allow a negotiated solution, but the UN-mediated talks failed. In 2017, the government has begun a new advance up the west coast. Impacts The humanitarian situation will worsen; famine is probable. The EU might consider an embargo on arms sales to Saudi Arabia. Without the stability of a negotiated peace, it is unlikely that much of Yemen’s oil and gas output will come back on stream. The Yemen conflict will further undermine regional relations, despite recent Iranian efforts to reconcile with the Gulf Arab states.


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