The Royal College of Physicians of London and Its Support of the Parliamentary Cause in the English Civil War

1983 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Joseph Birken

In the mélange of conflicting theories on the origins of the English Civil War, a number of English social groups have received scrupulous attention. Storms have brewed over the gentry, the aristocracy, and more recently, “the middle sort of people” in town and countryside. Even the rural peasantry, traditionally neglected by historians, have not been overlooked in the most recent debates. Surprisingly, little attention has been paid to the English professional classes although studies of the clerical and legal professions have been forthcoming of late. Perhaps worst served of all in the ongoing war of scholars has been the English medical profession. The recent historiography on English physicians and their relationship to the Civil War can be briefly summarized.The little work that has been done on professional physicians revolves almost exclusively around the fellowship of the Royal College of Physicians of London. In 1964, in a distinguished history of the college, Sir George Clark suggested that the fellowship probably leaned to the royalist cause, but out of political expediency accommodated itself to the reality of parliament's power in the City of London. Referring to the events of 1642 and 1643, Clark wrote:The College as a body could not have done anything for the King if it had wished to. In London this authority was ended and if the College was to perform its duties there it had no choice but to recognize the de facto rulers..

1979 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Howell

To many seventeenth century observers, the political role of towns in the English Civil War was clear enough. Clarendon, for example, referred to the “great towns and corporations, where besides the natural malignity, the factious lecturers and emissaries from the Parliament had poisoned the affections.” Thomas Hobbes was even more specific: “The City of London and other great towns of trade, having in admiration the prosperity of the Low Countries after they had revolted from their monarch the king of Spain were inclined to think that the like change of government here would to them produce the like prosperity.” In similar fashion, the anonymous author of the 1648 tract Persecutio Undecima saw the commercial interests of the urban areas, especially London, as one of the significant factors in the calling of the Long Parliament and the subsequent outbreak of war.


Author(s):  
Margaret J. M. Ezell

Many who lived through the English Civil War penned memoirs of their experiences, some of which were published after their deaths, such as Richard Baxter’s life writings and Thomas Fuller’s accounts of the worthies of England, or wrote and published topical public histories, including John Milton’s history of Britain. Samuel Pepys’s and John Evelyn’s diaries are among the most important sources about the Restoration years. Others such as Lucy Hutchinson wrote memoirs for their family or, like Margaret Cavendish, to defend the reputation of a family member. There was also interest in the history of foreign cultures, past rulers, and antiquarian topics.


1982 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 837-847 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert P. Kraynak

Hobbes's history of the English Civil War, The Behemoth, has been neglected by contemporary scholars, yet it provides the clearest statement of the problem that Hobbes's political science is designed to solve. In Behemoth, Hobbes shows that societies such as seventeenth century England inevitably degenerate into civil war because they are founded on authoritative opinion. The claim that there is a single, authoritative definition of Tightness or truth which is not an arbitrary human choice is an illusion of “intellectual vainglory,” a feeling of pride in the superiority of one's opinions which causes persecution and civil strife. By presenting Hobbes's historical and psychological analysis of this problem, I illuminate his argument for absolutism and show that Hobbes is not a precursor of totalitarianism but a founder of liberalism.


1970 ◽  
Vol 43 (7) ◽  
pp. 342-347
Author(s):  
Donald Rumbelow

Constable Rumbelow joined the City of London Police in 1963. His play “Lobsters and Bowmen” was produced in 1966 and his first book, a social history of police and crime in the city, is to be published this year by Macmillans. His next book will be about the Siege of Sidney Street.


1961 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 75-84 ◽  

Robert Alexander Frazer was born in the City of London on 5 February 1891. His father, Robert Watson Frazer, LL.B., had retired from the Madras Civil Service and had become Principal Librarian and Secretary of the London Institution at Finsbury Circus, whence in the following two decades he produced four books on India and its history, of which perhaps the best known was one published in the ‘Story of the Nations’ Series by Fisher Unwin, Ltd., in 1895. The family lived at the Institution and Robert was born there. Young Frazer proceeded in due course to the City of London School where he did remarkably well and won several scholarships and medals. By the time he was eighteen years of age, the City Corporation, desiring to commemorate the distinction just gained by Mr H. H. Asquith, a former pupil of the school, on his appointment as Prime Minister, founded the Asquith Scholarship of £100 per annum tenable for four years at Cambridge. It thus came about that at the school prize-giving in 1909 the Lord Mayor announced that the new Asquith Scholarship had been conferred on Frazer, who was so enabled to proceed to Pembroke College, Cambridge, that autumn. Frazer, in the course of his subsequent career, had two other formal links with London. In 1911 he was admitted to the Freedom of London in the Mayoralty of Sir Thomas Crosby, having been an Apprentice of T. M. Wood, ‘Citizen and Gardener of London’; and in 1930 he was awarded the degree of Doctor of Science by the University of London. The former may or may not have been a pointer to his subsequent ability as a gardener in private life; the latter was certainly a well-deserved recognition of his scientific work at the time.


2003 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Don Gilbert

Thomas Habington of Hindlip (1560–1647), a Catholic gentleman, was the first historian of Worcestershire. Had it not been for the English Civil War, his Survey of Worcestershire would probably have been published in the 1640s. In fact it was not published until the 1890s, and then in a form and order which was very different from what he had intended. Others who worked on the history of the county (William Thomas, Bishop Charles Lyttelton, Peter Prattinton and, most importantly, T. R. Nash, whose ‘Collections’ for a history of the county appeared in 1781–2) did so on the basis of Habington’s unpublished manuscripts. In this article the genesis of the ‘Survey’ will be examined, the way in which his conception of its scope altered, his method of gathering materials, the additions he made to the work up to the time of his death in October 1647, and the relevance of his Catholicism to the Survey.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (83) ◽  
pp. 239-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joyce Lee Malcolm

In the second year of the English civil war both king and parliament sought and received substantial military assistance from outside the kingdom: Charles concluded a truce with the Irish rebels and began the importation of troops from Ireland; parliament negotiated the introduction of an army from Scotland. Historians of the period are agreed that these parallel steps had quite opposite results. While the Scots army is invariably viewed as a ‘big factor in turning the scales against the king’, Charles's importation of Irish soldiers is regarded as having an insignificant impact on his military situation and a disastrous effect upon his popular standing. Parliament's alliance with the Scots has therefore been acclaimed necessary and prudent, Charles's acquisition of Irish help a terrible blunder. Samuel R. Gardiner, in his classic history of the English civil war, singled out the king's importation of Irish troops to England as the act which did most to weaken his authority.


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