The Privy Council and Problems of Enforcement in the 1620s

1978 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Hirst

It has become the fashion amongst historians seeking to explain the collapse of early Stuart rule to ignore the center and to consider instead the alienation of the local communities and their leaders, on whose co-operation the execution of the crown's policy depended. G. E. Aylmer has become something of a lone voice in the respect that he accords to central government, and even he deliberately and cautiously refrained from commenting in his magisterial work on the efficiency and impact of the Caroline government. Scholars attempting to analyze the crown's problems in 1640 are increasingly turning to the concept of local inertia. Conrad Russell stresses declining collaboration between the crown and the parliamentary gentry in his discussion of the fate of parliamentary supply. Others in local studies have castigated the local magistrates for their destructive fiscal role, for lightening their own burdens, and looking on complacently when their neighbors and inferiors did the same. The gentry failed to give enough in parliament, and then ensured that the sums were even smaller when collected. Anthony Fletcher's verdict on the selfishness of the Sussex gentry is even more resounding than Russell's on the obtuseness of the parliamentary gentry: “The magnate gentry must bear full responsibility for the collapse of the subsidy as an effective fiscal instrument … as the King's servants in the county [they] acquiesced when the community at large followed their example and put the protection of their own pockets before the financial needs of the central government.”

1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Dean

In his celebrated presidential addresses to the Royal Historical Society between 1974 and 1976 Sir Geoffrey Elton explored three “points of contact” between central authority and local communities: Parliament, the royal council, and the royal court. Parliament, he argued, was “the premier point of contact,” which “fulfilled its functions as a stabilizing mechanism because it was usable and used to satisfy legitimate and potentially powerful aspirations.” Elsewhere Elton, and other parliamentary historians such as Michael Graves, Norman Jones, and Jennifer Loach, have stressed parliament's role as a clearing house for the legislative desires of the governing class. The author of this article has recently drawn attention to the pressures which private legislation placed on the parliamentary agenda and the attempts by the government to control it. All of this supports Elton's contention that parliament, from the perspective of central government, was indeed a vital means of ensuring stability and channelling grievances.However, few studies have viewed parliament from the perspective of the local communities and governing elites who sought parliamentary solutions to their problems or even parliamentary resolutions to their disputes with others. The major exception to this has been London. Helen Miller's seminal study of London and parliament in the reign of Henry VIII and Edwin Green's on the Vintners lobby, have been recently complemented by Ian Archer's on the London lobbies in Elizabeth's reign, Claude Blair's on the Armourers lobby, and my own study of the struggle between the Curriers and Cordwainers. These not only reveal the broader context of such disputes, but emphasize that parliament was only one of many arenas available to participants. This important point has also been stressed by Robert Tittler in his study of parliament as a “point of contact” for English towns.


1988 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Archer

Historians of Tudor government have tended to write about the relationship between rulers and ruled in terms of the ability of central government to impose on the localities things which they did not want, in particular the Reformation and taxes to fight wars. Students of the localities have written in terms of the local obstructions in the way of the enforcement of central directives. Students of parliament have examined that institution in terms of its power to block government initiatives. Students of the institutions of central government have explored their subject in terms of the degree of ‘bureaucratic’ development exhibited by these institutions, in other words, how well suited they were to the task of efficient government. But there is another aspect to the functioning of Tudor government, and that is the ways in which subjects could secure their own objectives by use of its machinery. Recent research has begun to provide some insight into this neglected topic. It is axiomatic to revisionist writing on parliament that parliament was, primarily concerned with legislation, and that legislation was as much a matter for localities and interest groups as it was for the crown. Diarmaid MacCulloch and Stephen Kershaw have pointed to the ways in which local communities turned to the central courts, and even the privy council, for support against aggressive landlordism. The accessibility of parliament, the council and the law courts, it may be argued, was a major factor behind the stability of English society in this period, offering a variety of fora within which redress of grievances might be pursued.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (01) ◽  
pp. 165-189
Author(s):  
Monica de Togni

The process that led to the creation of self-government organs, and their activities in the first years of their existence, shows a consistent continuity between the imperial and the republican institutions, but also some changes in the institutional behaviour of the representatives of the local communities before and after the 1911’s revolution. The different meaning attributed to the institutional reforms as they appear to have been interpreted by the Qing Court, from the interpretations by the local society - a tools to control the political activism of the local notables vs a means to play a more active role in the local policy -, did not interfere with the creation of the organs of self-government, a part of the new structure to be built for the constitutional monarchy scheduled through imperial edicts on 27th August, 1908. The local activism and activities, as they are illustrated for Sichuan province through provincial and county archive documents, local gazetteers and reviews, show contradictory tendencies even as relates to some officials, and part of local communities anticipating sometimes the dispositions by the central government for the implementations of self-government, and some resistance by the people who had the right to vote in the participation to the preparatory process for the poll. However, the flourishing of self-government councils of the lower level and the fields of their interventions as representatives of the local communities show a very positive attitude on part of the local communities that continued until Yuan Shikai closed them down in 1914. This study will be concentrating on this aspect and will include, among other things, the case-study of Xuanhan county in north-western Sichuan, where a powerful local lineage played a very relevant role, taking advantage of the disruption of the provincial institutional order.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Sansom

Localism is widely supported as an antidote to what are seen as the adverse impacts of globalisation and one-size-fits-all, top-down central government. But interpretations of localism and views on how it should be practised vary greatly. This presents particular challenges for local government, which typically sees itself as the rightful beneficiary of a localism agenda focused on devolution and decentralisation, but must then confront difficult questions about its own institutional frameworks, its revenue base, and sharing power with local communities. While local government in New Zealand is exploring these issues through a national Localism project, its counterparts in Australia seem ill-prepared to follow suit.


Author(s):  
O. Fedorchak ◽  
H. Ishchenko

Problem setting. Ukraine has significant regional imbalances in attracting investment. The most attractive for investors is Kyiv city, where almost 50% of foreign investments are accumulated. At the same time, other regions remain unattractive for investors. The unsatisfactory situation in the regions is a reflection of unfavorable investment climate and requires the use of new tools to attract investment. The use of marketing tools can stimulate the inflow of investment into small cities and communities. Given these, the issue of using marketing tools to attract investment in local communities remains unexplored and relevant.Recent research and publications analysis. An important contribution to the study of territory marketing and investment attraction was made by: S. Ankholt, V. Bondarenko, D. Vizghalov, M. Hovorukhina, N. Hrynchuk, K. Dinni, O. Ignatenko, F. Kotler, O. Osovets, A. Pankrukhin, S. Smerichevskyi, R. Fedorov, O. Fedorovych, D. Frolov, O. Khymych, and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. An analysis of the literature on this issue has shown that domestic researches are quite narrowly specialized and most English-language works on this topic are written in the form of study of real situations and have non-scientific characters.The purpose of the article is to reveal the essence of marketing tools and justify the feasibility of their use to attract investment in local communities, and improve the investment climate in Ukraine.Paper main body. In recent years, Ukraine has taken significant steps to decentralize its power and resources. And although decentralization is a complicated reform, it is also one of the most successful reforms in Ukraine. This reform provides the transfer of powers and finances for their implementation from the central government to local authorities. The starting point of the reform is the thesis that local authorities are better oriented at local problems and can use funds more effectively to solve them.However, in the context of the economic crisis caused by the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, the government is cutting transfers to support infrastructure and urban development in general. The local authorities in Ukraine suffer from an austerity policy pursued by the government. With this in mind, communities need to work to create a positive image of the area, to diversify sources of capital, and attract new investors.Taking into account the limited budgets and the specifics of activities at the local level, the minimum set of tools for attracting investment in local communities should include: development of investment strategy and program, brand formation of the territory, development of investment passport, formation of industry reviews, construction of investor’s roadmap, distribution of investment proposals, creation and updating of investment website, work in social networks, development of interactive investment map, press kit formation, preparation of multimedia presentations, participation in road-shows, investment seminars, conferences, forums and exhibitions, targeted search for new investors and formation of existing investors database.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The results of the study confirm that in the conditions of competition for investment funds, marketing tools for attracting investments come to the fore. Although the marketing of territories is a relatively young area of research, it can contribute to the successful promotion of local communities to attract investment and improve the image of the territory. The skillful use of marketing tools can help attract investment to local communities.In further research, we plan to study tax instruments to stimulate investment activity to improve the investment climate in Ukraine.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-29
Author(s):  
Kanyadibya Cendana Prasetyo

Abstrak Sejak era otonomi daerah, setiap daerah memiliki kewenangan untuk mengelola dan memanfaatkan sumber daya di daerahnya, termasuk sumber daya kelautan dan perikanan. Adanya otonomi daerah juga berimplikasi pada peran serta masyarakat lokal sesuai dengan adat istiadat yang berlaku, termasuk hak ulayat laut yang dikelola adat (Customary Marine Tenure / CMT). Praktik-praktik CMT yang ada menunjukkan bahwa CMT dapat memberikan solusi terhadap masalah-masalah perikanan, termasuk mencegah munculnya tragedy of the commons yang mengakibatkan hilangnya spesies ikan. Di Kepulauan Maluku dan Papua, salah satu praktik CMT tersebut adalah hukum adat sasi laut yang berisi peraturan dan larangan dalam memanfaatkan sumber daya laut. Jika ditinjau lebih dalam, sasi laut dapat menjadi salah satu upaya tata kelola kelautan dan perikanan yang berbasis partisipasi masyarakat lokal dan memiliki prinsip berkelanjutan. Selain itu, pelaksanaan sasi laut juga membutuhkan dukungan dari pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah agar keberadaannya dapat membawa manfaat bagi masyarakat, mendukung keberlanjutan sumber daya perikanan dan kelautan, dan menjaga keanekaragaman hayati. Kata kunci: sasi laut, hak ulayat laut, pengelolaan perikanan, pemerintahan daerah   Abstract Since the era of regional autonomy, each region has the authority to manage and use the resources in its area, including marine and fisheries resources. The existence of regional autonomy also has implications for the participation of local communities in accordance with prevailing customs, including Customary Marine Tenure (CMT). CMT practices show that CMT can provide solutions to fisheries problems, including preventing the tragedy of the commons that could extinct fish species. In the Maluku Islands and Papua, one of the CMT practices is a customary law called marine sasi which contains rules and prohibitions in utilizing marine resources. Marine sasi is one of the efforts to regulate marine and aquaculture based on the participation of local communities and on the principles of sustainability. In addition, the implementation of marine sasi also requires support from the central government and local governments to be able to provide benefits to the community, support the sustainability of fisheries and marine resources, and support biodiversity. Keywords: marine sasi, Customary Marine Tenure, fisheries management, local governance


ASTONJADRO ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
I Gede Wahyu Kusuma ◽  
Ngakan Ketut Acwin Dwijendra ◽  
Ni Made Yudantini

<p>Indonesia implements Large-Scale Social Restrictions (PSBB) which are enforced per region based on the severity of the outbreak and the assessment is determined by the central government through the Ministry of Health. Restrictions on activities for traveling have a great impact on areas that utilize the tourism industry. Restrictions on activities lead to a decline in the economy of the community, especially in areas that rely on the tourism industry. Infrastructure has an important role in efforts to recover the economy and tourism after the pandemic. The infrastructure used as the object of research is the project Port Munjul Bias, which is one of the ongoing port projects on Ceningan Island. The purpose of the study was to look at the strategy for developing the Port Bias Munjul in the post-Covid-19 pandemic recovery. The type of research used is qualitative research with descriptive data presentation. The approach used is a SWOT analysis to see the strategy for developing the Port Bias Munjul in the midst of the Covid-19 Pandemic. The results obtained are the construction of the Port Bias Munjul in prime condition (SO), which shows that the existence of the Port Bias Munjul project will play a very important role in the recovery of tourism and the economy in Nusa Ceningan or its surroundings. Strategies that can be carried out are in the form of cooperation between local governments and the private sector, empowerment of local communities and improvement of logistical support facilities.</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dian Wardiana Sjuchro

Democratization of broadcasting that is characterized by the diversity of ownership and diversity of content is the aspiration that stated in Law 32/2002 on Broadcasting. However, the enormous of political and business battles that follow the enactment of the broadcasting regulations have hampered its implementation in Indonesia. Now, after nearly 15 years of implementation of the Broadcasting Law in Indonesia, the time to evaluating the implementation of regulation of legislative products in the regions have arrived. Evaluations are directed more to an objective opportunities of local people to access the ownership of local television, and the impact on the content of television local to the communities. The research applied qualitative method and the data is collected by utilizing a survey to the broadcasting stakeholders in 10 areas that is determined purposively. The object of the research is local government, regional broadcasting commissions, community leaders, journalists, lecturers, and the owners of local television licensed. The results show that broadcasting regulations are relatively unworkable in the regions due to various central government policies that do not widely open the opportunities for regional people to access broadcasting licenses. This limitation also led to complaints from the region regarding the content of national television broadcasts that many harm local communities and cultures. Research respondents suggested to have more pro-regional broadcasting regulation and involving local people in the making of policies and regulations of regional broadcasting.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 50-54
Author(s):  
Selfa Seftiani Aulia ◽  
Tatang Suheri ◽  
A Hanafi

ABSTRACT  South Nias Regency is currently still in the category of lagging areas based on composite index in North Sumatera province. However, South Nias Regency has a variety of potential, especially maritime tourism potential, fisheries, and agriculture. Focus Group Discussion with the stakeholders in South Nias Regency was done to formulate the right business model in South Nias regency. Based on the results of FGD and the analysis of business model conducted, business activities that can be done by South Nias Regency was to focus on the development of maritime tourism activities through surfing and agroindustry activities. The business Model would be able to succeed if the cooperation between stakeholders, such as the central government, local government, tourism business, and local communities with various models of operational cooperation. Keywords: business model, disadvantaged area, South Nias, maritime tourism.   ABSTRAK Kabupaten Nias Selatan saat ini masih masuk dalam kategori daerah tertinggal berdasarkan Indeks Komposit Ketertinggalan di Provinsi Sumatera Utara. Akan tetapi, Kabupaten Nias Selatan memiliki berbagai potensi, terutama potensi wisata bahari, perikanan, dan pertanian. Focus Group Discussion bersama para stakeholder yang ada di Kabupaten Nias Selatan pun dilakukan guna merumuskan model bisnis yang tepat di Kabupaten Nias Selatan. Berdasarkan hasil FGD dan analisis model bisnis yang dilakukan, kegiatan bisnis yang dapat dilakukan oleh Kabupaten Nias Selatan adalah dengan memfokuskan pengembangan aktivitas pariwisata bahari melalui kegiatan berselancar dan agroindustry. Model bisnis tersebut akan dapat berhasil jika adanya kerjasama antar stakeholder, seperti Pemerintah Pusat, Pemerintah Daerah, Pelaku Usaha Wisata, dan Masyarakat Lokal dengan berbagai model kerjasama operasional Kata kunci: model bisnis, kawasan tertinggal, Nias Selatan, pariwisata bahari.


2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (6) ◽  
pp. 825-847 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTINE ANTONA ◽  
ESTELLE MOTTE BIÉNABE ◽  
JEAN-MICHEL SALLES ◽  
GÉRALDINE PÉCHARD ◽  
SIGRID AUBERT ◽  
...  

Decentralization and people's participation have been key features of government environmental policy since the 1990s. In Madagascar, the policy of Secured Local Management of Natural Resources, known as the GELOSE act, has created a framework for the transfer of rights from central government to local communities. This article analyses the practical implementation of this policy by focusing on the nature of the rights transferred and on the nature of the contracts and incentives developed. The Aghion and Tirole model for allocation of formal and real authority in an organization is used to shed light on the contractual definition process and on the trade-offs between giving responsibilities to local communities and losing control over natural resources management. It is shown that a congruence of interests between the parties is crucial for effective delegation of authority to local communities and that this congruence may emerge in relation to the transfer of exclusion rights.


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