[Book Review: Color Lines: Affirmative Action, Immigration, and Civil Rights Options for America and Public Attitudes toward Immigration in the United States, France, and Germany]

2003 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-310
Author(s):  
Rodney Benson
2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 260-262
Author(s):  
Gallya Lahav

Joel Fetzer is to be congratulated for a serious attempt to bring a public opinion approach to comparative immigration politics. His book represents an ambitious step toward bridging the gap between policy input and output in the immigration equation of advanced industrialized democracies. Its occasional choppy organization and underdeveloped data analysis tend to distract from the import of the work and leave the reader yearning for a deeper and more substantive discussion.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 783-790 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayda Erbal

The summer of 2015 will perhaps be remembered as a watershed moment in the annals of racism in the United States. What had been normalized for decades by the southern states and giant retailers in “postracist” America was institutionally delegitimized almost overnight. Upping the ante, the department store giant Macy's announced it will discontinue Donald Trump merchandise because of Trump's racist remarks. A mere half century after the 1964 Civil Rights Act, in a perfect act of Foucauldian governmentality and market regulation from above, American business interests aggressively interfered in redefining the discursive and symbolic boundaries of the new mainstream normativity and truth in the United States. One can safely say that symbolic and actual denial of slavery and racist essentialism as normalized discourses in mainstream US culture and scholarship took another institutional blow, even though some reactionary book review here and there can still make its way into the mainstream, and even though defeating “dog whistle politics” is much more difficult than defeating outright racist symbols or speech.


1996 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Bell ◽  
Angela Hegarty ◽  
Stephen Livingstone

This article seeks to examine the current state of the law on affirmative action in the United States and Canada. Drawing upon developments at both a statutory and constitutional level it considers to what extent the law permits or requires measures to alter the composition of institutions to make them more representative in terms of race or gender. Its primary focus is on employment. It argues that constitutional provisions and judicial interpretation in Canada has been more sympathetic to affirmative action measures, especially in the past decade. After surveying the early development of affirmative action law in the United States it focuses on recent developments, notably the Civil Rights Act of 1991 and recent Supreme Court decisions such as the Adarand v Pena case, to examine the extent to which the scope for affirmative action measures has been reduced. In Canada the article considers both Charter equality jurisprudence and statutory developments such as the Employment Equity Act of 1986. The article concludes by observing that the position remains complex but that there is scope for affirmative action measures in both jurisdictions, perhaps more so in Canada where such measures do not require a backward looking, compensatory rationale. It also suggests that such measures may now have become well established in the human resources strategies of large corporations in both jurisdictions, rendering their disappearance unlikely.


2021 ◽  
pp. 138-153
Author(s):  
Sandro Galea

This chapter assesses social, racial, and economic injustice. The marginalization of communities of color in the United States is of unique concern, particularly the marginalization of Black Americans. While it is true that many communities of color have suffered from deep-seated structural injustice, it is Black Americans who have, since before the country's founding, been the group most vulnerable to racial injustice. The emergence of some excellent scholarship in the past few years that has highlighted the place of anti-Blackness specifically as a detrimental force that influences health cannot, and should not, be swept up into broader generalizations around the pernicious influence of racial injustice overall. COVID-19 revealed how the institution of slavery has, over hundreds of years, continued to shape racial injustice and consequent poor health for Black Americans. Before changes to this status quo can be achieved, movements must change public opinion around issues of injustice. Once we understand injustice, we have a responsibility to not look away, to fix the racial, social, and economic inequities which generate poor health. But the path to justice does not end with changes in public attitudes and the passage of civil rights legislation. Achieving this goal takes pursuing not just social, but economic justice.


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