Interpreters caught up in an ideological tug-of-war?

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chonglong Gu
Keyword(s):  
Centrifugal Force ◽  
Communication Process ◽  
Centripetal Force ◽  
The Press ◽  
Corpus Data ◽  
The Government

Abstract The interpreter-mediated Premier-Meets-the-Press Conferences are an institutional(ized) discursive event in China, permitting the Chinese premier to answer a range of potentially challenging and face-threatening questions from journalists. Arguably, this dynamic and interactive setting can be profitably conceptualized using Bakhtin’s notion of dialogized heteroglossia. As additional subjective actors in the triadic communication process, the government-affiliated interpreters are caught up in an ideological tug-of-war between the government and (foreign) journalists. That is, there is often a centripetal force pulling toward Beijing’s official positions and stances (the central, unitary and authoritative) and simultaneously a centrifugal force exerted by (foreign) journalists who pose sensitive and adversarial questions (toward the heteroglossic and peripheral away from the center). Manual CDA on 20 years’ corpus data illustrates the interpreters’ tendency to align with the government’s official positions, soften the journalists’ questions and (re)construct a more desirable image for Beijing.

How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Stories ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Chinese News Media

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 

The Arthur Crawford Scandal

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D. Metelits
Keyword(s):  
Retirement Age ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Government Service ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Modus Operandi ◽  
High Court ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
To Receive

The Arthur Crawford Scandal explores how nineteenth century Bombay tried a British official for corruption. The presidency government persuaded Indians, government officials, to testify against the very person who controlled their career by offering immunity from legal action and career punishment. A criminal conviction of Crawford’s henchman established the modus operandi of a bribery network. Subsequent efforts to intimidate Indian witnesses led to litigation at the high court level, resulting in a political pressure campaign in London based on biased press reports from India. These reports evoked questions in the House of Commons; questions became demands that Indians witnesses against Crawford be fired from government service. The secretary of state for India and the Bombay government negotiated about the fate of the Indian witnesses. At first, the secretary of state accepted the Bombay government’s proposals. But the press campaign against the Indian witnesses eventually led him to order the Government of India, in consultation with the Government of Bombay, to pass a law ordering those officials who paid Crawford willingly, to be fired. Those whom the Bombay government determined to be extorted were not to be fired. Both groups retained immunity from further actions at law. Thus, Bombay won a victory that almost saved its original guarantee of immunity: those who were fired were to receive their salary (along with periodic step increases) until they reached retirement age, at which time they would receive a pension. However, this ‘solution’ did little to overcome the stigma and suffering of the fired officials.

The African Press in Kenya, 1945–1952

1980 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 515-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fay Gadsden
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
African Union ◽  
Direct Role ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
The Press ◽  
Grassroots Level ◽  
The Government ◽  
Short Time

This paper discusses the African press in Kenya in the years between 1945 and 1952. The growth of an extensive vernacular press was caused by the political frustrations suffered by Kenya's Africans and the political, social and ethnic divisions which separated them. The press can be divided into three major categories: moderate nationalist, regional vernacular and populist newspapers. The moderate nationalist newspapers were edited by members of the educated elite who campaigned for constitutional change and social reforms. The regional vernacular papers were concerned more with local than national issues. The populist press was edited by semi-educated men active in politics at the grassroots level who came to reject the moderate leadership. All these papers publicized the activities of the Kenya African Union and demanded an improvement in the political and social position of Africans in Kenya. But they also expressed the ethnic, political and social hostilities which divided their editors. The decline of moderate leadership was reflected in the closure of their newspapers. The radicals who seized power in K.A.U. in 1951 were supported by the populist press and began new newspapers in 1951 and 1952.Some of the African newspapers achieved quite large circulations, were distributed by agents throughout the towns of Kenya and attracted some advertising revenue. But they all suffered from lack of money and found it difficult to find and pay a printer, and they suffered also from the lack of experience of their editors. Many newspapers lasted only a short time. But throughout these years there were always a number of newspapers published. These were widely read and were politically influential. The populist press played a direct role in stimulating militant resistance. Government attempts to curb the African press and to replace it with government newspapers were not successful. Only in 1952 when a State of Emergency had been imposed and the government had assumed powers to refuse printing licences and to suppress newspapers could the African press be silenced.

Istanbul During the Balkan Wars (1912–1913)

2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-164
Author(s):  
Baykal Erol
Keyword(s):  
Direct Consequence ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
The Press ◽  
Major Outbreak ◽  
The Government ◽  
Flow Of Information ◽  
Potential Disaster

During the Balkan Wars (1912–1913) Istanbul suddenly found itself at the frontline of an unexpectedly disastrous conflict with its Balkan neighbours. One direct consequence of these wars, through troop mobilisation and refugee movement, was a major outbreak of cholera in the Ottoman capital. While entrepreneurs tried to turn this calamity into profit, by selling (useless) medication, the government tried to control the flow of information regarding the disease in order to better combat the epidemic and both parties used the press to achieve their goals. Despite the chaos of the war and the size of the outbreak, the acted efficiently and successfully prevented a potential disaster.

Morality and Monarchy in the Queen Caroline Affair

1991 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 697-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamara L. Hunt
Keyword(s):  
Party Politics ◽  
British Society ◽  
British History ◽  
Cultural Significance ◽  
Wide Spread ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
The People ◽  
Moral Standards ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government

The licentious career of Caroline of Brunswick, the most notorious queen in modern British history, was only exceeded by that of her husband, George IV, and the scandal that emerged when he attempted to obtain a divorce inspired one of the most unusual episodes of nineteenth-century British history. For six months the attention of the country was focused on the queen's trial; massive demonstrations in her support were familiar sights in London streets and news of the matter dominated the columns of the press. The popular outpouring of support for the queen often took the form of reviling the king and his ministers, and revolution seemed to be in the air, yet because no lasting political change resulted from this tumult, historians have tended to dismiss the affair as relatively unimportant. However, to view this interlude primarily in terms of party politics is to overlook the fact that the majority of the people who formed the massive crowds that so alarmed the government were neither radicals nor reformers, and many, if not most of them were unenfranchised. In order to better understand the implications of this unrest, it is important to identify those factors that inspired British men and women to openly denigrate their ruler and to heap opprobrium on the members of government in defense of a woman who, ironically, many believed to be guilty as charged. Such an examination makes it clear that this was an event of profound cultural significance and was in some respects the first wide-spread popular expression of the moral standards that have come to be labelled “Victorian.”Any attempt to judge “public opinion” is fraught with difficulty. Most of the surviving journals, memoirs, and collections of letters from this period were written by members of the gentry and aristocracy; most of the middle and working-class people who actively demonstrated in support of the queen or who signed the numerous addresses sent to her have tended to remain silent and anonymous. Newspaper and other written accounts of the affair were often extremely partisan, for British society was sharply divided on this issue. Political caricatures, however, overcome some of these difficulties.

Towards a Better Organizational Structure

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 446-454
Author(s):  
Mochamad Muslih ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Structure ◽  
Functional Organization ◽  
Communication Process ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Henry Mintzberg ◽  
Speed Up ◽  
The Government ◽  
Effective Organization ◽  
Survey Approach

The organizational structure of the Indonesian Government is currently not efficient and not effective. Its structure is impressed too wide and long so that it raises unexpected costs and time delays and decreases governance. The purpose of this research is to study the organizational structure suitable for the Indonesian Government. This research uses qualitative research method with survey approach. The main reference in this research is Designing Effective Organization: Structures in Fives by Henry Mintzberg. The sample is academics and practitioners in governmental organizations. The results showed that a good organizational structure for the Government of Indonesia is functional organization form, the slim and short structure, so as to facilitate and speed up the communication process, the process of accountability, and accountability process in the implementation of government tasks, and finally increase government governance.

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

scholarly journals “The British Soldier is no Bolshevik”: The British Army, Discipline, and the Demobilization Strikes of 1919

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Butler
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
British Army ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Civilian Life ◽  
Daily Mail ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Military

Abstract This article considers the breakdown in discipline in the British Army which occurred in Britain and on the Western Front during the process of demobilization at the end of the First World War. Many soldiers, retained in the army immediately after the Armistice, went on strike, and some formed elected committees, demanding their swifter return to civilian life. Their perception was that the existing demobilization system was unjust, and men were soon organized by those more politically conscious members of the armed forces who had enlisted for the duration of the war. At one stage in January 1919, over 50,000 soldiers were out on strike, a fact that was of great concern to the British civilian and military authorities who miscalculated the risk posed by soldiers. Spurred on by many elements of the press, especially the Daily Mail and Daily Herald, who both fanned and dampened the flames of discontent, soldiers’ discipline broke down, demonstrating that the patriotism which had for so long kept them in line could only extend so far. Though senior members of the government, principally Winston Churchill, and the military, especially Douglas Haig and Henry Wilson, were genuinely concerned that Bolshevism had ‘infected’ the army, or, at the very least, the army had been unionized, their fears were not realized. The article examines the government’s strategy regarding demobilization, its efforts to assess the risk of politicization and manage the press, and its responses to these waves of strikes, arguing that, essentially, these soldiers were civilians first and simply wanted to return home, though, in the post-war political climate, government fears were very real.

scholarly journals Membangun Komunikasi dalam Sinergi Pelayanan Kesehatan di Kabupaten Bandung

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-28
Author(s):  
Ditha Prasanti ◽  
Ikhsan Fuady ◽  
Sri Seti Indriani
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Health Service ◽  
Health Services ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Communication Process ◽  
Public Health Services ◽  
District Health ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Village

The "one data" policy driven by the government through the Ministry of Health is believed to be able to innovate and give a new face to health services. Of course, the improvement of health services starts from the smallest and lowest layers, namely Polindes. Starting from this policy and the finding of relatively low public health service problems, the authors see a health service in Polindes, which contributes positively to improving the quality of public health services. The health service is the author's view of the communication perspective through the study of Communication in the Synergy of Public Health Services Polindes (Village Maternity Post) in Tarumajaya Village, Kertasari District, Bandung Regency. The method used in this research is a case study. The results of the study revealed that public health services in Polindes are inseparable from the communication process that exists in the village. The verbal communication process includes positive synergy between the communicator and the communicant. In this case, the communicators are village midwives, village officials, namely the village head and his staff, the sub-district health center, and the active role of the village cadres involved. In contrast, the communicant that was targeted was the community in the village of Tarumajaya. This positive synergy results in a marked increase in public services, namely by providing new facilities in the village, RTK (Birth Waiting Home).   Kebijakan “one data” yang dimotori oleh pemerintah melalui Kementerian kesehatan diyakini mampu membuat inovasi dan memberikan wajah baru terhadap layanan kesehatan. Tentunya, perbaikan layanan kesehatan tersebut dimulai dari lapisan terkecil dan terbawah yakni Polindes. Berawal dari kebijakan tersebut dan masih ditemukannya masalah pelayanan kesehatan publik yang relatif rendah, penulis melihat sebuah layanan kesehatan di Polindes, yang memberikan kontribusi positif dalam peningkatan kualitas layanan kesehatan masyarakat. Pelayanan kesahatan tersebut penulis lihat dari perpektif komunikasi melaui penelitian Komunikasi dalam Sinergi Pelayanan Kesehatan Publik Polindes (Pos Bersalin Desa) di Desa Tarumajaya, Kecamatan Kertasari, Kabupaten Bandung ini dilakukan. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah studi kasus. Hasil penelitian mengungkapkan bahwa pelayanan kesehatan publik di Polindes, tidak terlepas dari adanya proses komunikasi yang terjalin di desa tersebut. Proses komunikasi verbal tersebut meliputi sinergitas positif antara pihak komunikator dan komunikan. Dalam hal ini, komunikator tersebut adalah Bidan Desa, Aparat Desa yakni Kepala Desa beserta staffnya, Puskesmas tingkat kecamatan, serta peran aktif dari para kader desa yang terlibat. Sedangkan komunikan yang menjadi target adalah masyarakat di desa Tarumajaya. Sinergitas positif tersebut menghasilkan peningkatan pelayanan publik yang nyata, yaitu dengan adanya penyediaan fasilitas baru di desa, RTK (Rumah Tunggu Kelahiran).

scholarly journals Penghakiman oleh Pers Nasional: Suatu Kritik atas Kebebasan Pers dalam Pemberitaan Perkara Tindak Pidana Korupsi

Humaniora ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 216
Author(s):  
Vidya Prahassacitta
Keyword(s):  
Social Responsibility ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Code Of Conduct ◽  
High Position ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Press ◽  
Freedom Of Press ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government

The 1998 reform in Indonesia has changed freedom press in Indonesia. Now press implements libertarian model which puts freedom first instead of responsibility. Previously, press implemented soviet communist model which put responsibility first instead of freedom. Fifteen years later, press in Indonesia has become political tool by the owner of the press company who has high position in political party participating in the 2014 election. This reflects on the disproportional news regarding corruption cases conducted by the government officer or parliament member from the contender party. Such news delivers not only facts but also misleading opinions to the society which creates trial by the press. In fact, presumption of innocent principle is a foundation for press reporting news as stipulated in Law No. 40 Year 1999 concerning Press and Journalistic Code of Conduct. In libertarian press there are always borders but such borders are not effective since the freedom of press in Indonesia is powerful. Article used qualitative and library research with secondary sources of law to gain a solution to this problem. Therefore, Press Board should maximize its function in supervising the implementation of presumption of innocent principle and to raise society awareness regarding the law supremacy. In the end, to fulfill press social responsibility, a press profession court shall be established to keep press independency. 

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