Dative and indirect object in German dialects

2006 ◽  
pp. 213-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jürg Fleischer
Keyword(s):  
Indirect Object ◽  
German Dialects

scholarly journals Relativsätze in den Dialekten des Deutschen: Vergleich und Typologie

2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jürg Fleischer
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Direct Object ◽  
Form And Function ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
System A ◽  
German Dialects ◽  
Different Types ◽  
And Function

This paper establishes a cross-dialectal typology of relative clauses in various German dialects and Yiddish according to their form and function. A great variety of different types of relativizers and relative clauses can be observed, including various pronouns, particles, and zero relatives. Combinations of these types occur, one of the most typical involving a resumptive element in a clause introduced by a particle. The Accessibility Hierarchy, a concept developed in typology, is used with great profit for this study. It turns out that for the German relativization system, a basic opposition between subject and direct object as opposed to oblique holds in virtually every variety, whereas the indirect object is much less stable. In the varieties observed, significantly more relative particles and resumptive elements occur as compared to Standard German, which turns out to be quite atypical.

Le datif et le génitif prépositionnels dans le latin mérovingien à travers l’étude des chartes des 7ème et 8ème siècles

2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 267-279
Author(s):  
Gaëtan Schaller
Keyword(s):  
Classical Period ◽  
Fixed Position ◽  
Indirect Object

Abstract:This paper intends to investigate the development of the periphrastic form for the dative and genitive in the Merovingian charters. The periphrastic forms are reserved in Classical Latin to some special uses: the indirect object after a verb that has the prefix ad- and the partitive function of the genitive they replace. These forms extend to new uses in the Late Latin and are the new majoritarian form for the indirect object, but remain a minoritarian variant for the functions of the classical genitive. The genitival functions adapt to new forms of expression: the periphrastic form and a fixed position in the sentence immediately after the noun, its complete. This paper tries to show and to corroborate by means of statistics and chosen examples of the 7th and 8th centuries the development of these forms, which were still rare in the classical period.

THE OPPOSITION OF “OWN - ALIEN” IN THE ETHNONYMY OF UPPER GERMAN DIALECTS

2020 ◽  
pp. 307-313
Author(s):  
M.M. Kondratenko
Keyword(s):  
German Dialects ◽  
East Franconian

The article examines the features of the denotative sphere of ethnonyms, using the example of the vocabulary and phraseology of East Franconian German dialects; the most frequently used ethnonyms are highlighted, as well as the semantic spheres to which they belong: foreigners, stubborn or noisy people, sinister creatures that frighten children.

Perceptual salience and analogical change: evidence from vowel lengthening in modern Swiss German dialects

1995 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Chapman
Keyword(s):  
Semantic Relation ◽  
Short Vowel ◽  
Swiss German ◽  
Perceptual Salience ◽  
German Dialects ◽  
Morphological Theory ◽  
Vowel Lengthening

In the light of current morphological theory, this paper examines the analogical levelling of long/short vowel oppositions in certain inflectional and derivational alternations in a number of modern Swiss German dialects. The regular occurrence of levelling is shown to depend on the extent to which the alternation in question is ‘perceptually salient’ (Chapman 1994). That is, if the semantic relation between base and derivative is transparent and the derivative is uniformly marked, analogical levelling occurs regularly. On the basis of this evidence it is argued that all morphological alternations, both inflectional and derivational, are listed in the lexicon and that each one is assigned a different status according to its degree of perceptual salience.

The verbs with direct and indirect object re‐examined

1936 ◽  
Vol 18 (1-6) ◽  
pp. 1-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Kirchner
Keyword(s):  
Indirect Object

Indirect objects in Siswati

1987 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-326
Author(s):  
Videa P. De Guzman
Keyword(s):  
Object Relations ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Direct Object ◽  
Double Object ◽  
Bantu Languages ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
Object Properties ◽  
Relational Grammar ◽  
Ditransitive Constructions

Contrary to the view that in Bantu languages the two unmarked nominals following the verb in ditransitive constructions need not be distinguished because both possess the same object properties, this paper shows the necessity of making a distinction between the direct object and the indirect object relations. Evidence comes from SiSwati, the language of Swaziland, and the analysis of the data is cast in the Relational Grammar framework. The arguments presented refer to word order, object concord (or pronominal copy) and the interaction between object concord and some syntactic phenomena such as passivization, topicalization, relativization, and clefting. By distinguishing the direct object from the indirect object in Siswati, the grammar is able to provide a more natural account for a number of related double object constructions.

Interaction, Satisfaction, and the PCC

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-80
Author(s):  
Amy Rose Deal
Keyword(s):  
Special Interest ◽  
Dynamic Interaction ◽  
Agree Ii ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
Syntactic Features ◽  
Testing Ground ◽  
Person Case Constraint ◽  
Satisfaction Theory ◽  
The Way

Abstract The person-case constraint (PCC) is a family of restrictions on the relative person of the two objects of a ditransitive. PCC effects offer a testing ground for theories of the Agree operation and of syntactic features, both those on nominals and (of special interest here) those found on agreement probes. In this paper, I offer a new theory of PCC effects in an interaction/satisfaction theory of Agree (Deal 2015a) and show the advantages of this framework in capturing PCC typology. On this model, probes are specified for interaction features, determining which features will be copied to them, and satisfaction features, determining which features will cause probing to stop. Applied to PCC, this theory (i) captures all four types of PCC effect recognized by Nevins (2007) under a unified notion of Agree; (ii) captures the restriction of PCC effects to contexts of “Double Weakness” in many prominent examples, e.g. in Italian, Greek, and Basque, where PCC effects hold only in cases where both the direct and indirect object are expressed with clitics; (iii) naturally extends to PCC effects in syntactic environments without visible clitics or agreement for one or both objects, as well as the absence of PCC effects in some languages with clitics or agreement for both the direct and indirect object. Two refinements of the interaction/satisfaction theory are offered. The first is a new notation for probes’ interaction and satisfaction specifications, clarifying the absence from this theory of uninterpretable/unvalued features as drivers of Agree. The second is a proposal for the way that probes’ behavior may change over the course of a derivation, dubbed dynamic interaction.

Morphologie und Semantik der n-Erweiterung bei Muttern und Vatern im Deutschen

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-79
Author(s):  
Alexander Werth
Keyword(s):  
Word Formation ◽  
Limited Extent ◽  
Prepositional Phrases ◽  
Low German ◽  
German Dialects ◽  
Semantic Concepts ◽  
Formation Pattern ◽  
Word Forms ◽  
Comparative Constructions

Abstract: This paper deals with German kinship terms ending with the form n (Muttern, Vatern). Firstly, data from newspapers are presented that show that especially Muttern denotes very special meanings that can only be derived to a limited extent from the lexical base: a) Muttern referring to a home where mother cares for you, b) Muttern standing for overprotection, and c) Muttern representing a special food style (often embedded in prepositional phrases and/or comparative constructions like wie bei or wie von Muttern). Secondly, it is argued that the addition of n to kinship terms is not a word-formation pattern, but that these word forms are instead lexicalized and idiomatized in contemporary German. Hence, a diachronic scenario is applied to account for the data. It is argued in the present paper that the n-forms have been borrowed from Low German dialects, especially from constructional idioms of the type ‘X-wie bei Muttern’ and that forms were enriched by semantic concepts associated with the dialect.

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