Speaking, telling and assertion

2006 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eirian C. Davies

This paper distinguishes between speaking, telling and assertion. Speaking is approached in ‘mechanical’ terms, as the production of linguistic forms. Telling is defined in terms of the degree of the speaker’s commitment to what s/he says, and, therefore, as operative both with respect to constructions of knowledge and of decision. That is, telling is said to apply to constructions both in the indicative and imperative moods, to those with ‘wish’ as well as those with ‘thought’ subjunctives, and to both those with epistemic, and those with deontic, modal verbs. Assertion is defined as full telling of full knowledge. This definition leads to the establishment of three broad categories of non-assertive constructions, which are nevertheless ‘told’. Four telling operators are proposed, defined in terms of degrees of commitment. The discussion builds on an earlier analysis of knowledge constructions in terms of propositional attitudes, by applying telling operators to four of the categories established there. From this it emerges that an account of knowledge constructions in terms of epistemic operators alone cannot be adequate, since telling operators sometimes act to modify epistemic modalities. Other than full telling is seen as introducing a further kind of modality. This telling modality is realized in the knowledge component by the interrogative sentence type in sentences containing either a finite lexical verb or an epistemic auxiliary, and by subjunctive mood in the former and ‘past tense’ forms of the latter.

Author(s):  
Věra Sládková

This paper presents the findings of a frequency analysis of modal verbs and their complementation in 390 English school-leaving essays written by Czech secondary-school students in a high-stakes B1 level exam. These constitute a learner corpus, CZEMATELC 2017. The study reveals a very high proportion of correct complementation patterns, but predominantly with lexical verbs at A1 and A2 CEFR levels. The most frequent errors are the complementation of modal verbs by past-tense forms of lexical verbs and the absence of complementation.


2012 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter Breu

AbstractIn this paper, we discuss different types of verbal aspect in three varieties of Sorbian, Standard Lower and Upper Sorbian and Colloquial Upper Sorbian. There are basically two formally differentiated aspect oppositions in Sorbian, the Slavic opposition of perfectivity, expressed by stem alternations (prefixation, suffixation and suppletion) and thus grammatically derivative, and the opposition of aorist and imperfect, expressed by inflection. These two types are, however, restricted in their distribution, as modern Lower Sorbian lacks the inflectional type completely, and Colloquial Upper Sorbian uses it only with auxiliaries, modal verbs and some verbs of speech. Even in Standard Upper Sorbian the independence of the two oppositions is rather relative, as only the second and third person singular have different endings for the two grammemes, whereas in all other persons formal differences between imperfect and aorist are expressed, if at all, only by stem alternations, dependent on the opposition between the imperfective and the perfective stem. Therefore, even in Standard Upper Sorbian we have a clear differentiation between perfective and imperfective only outside the synthetic past tense, e.g. in the analytic


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Dorota Jagódzka

Polish auxiliary clitics constitute an interesting set of data which draws attention to cross-linguistic differences among Slavic languages. A general principle for clitic placement in Indo-European languages is the one described by Jacob Wackernagel in his 1892 work. He concluded that clitics appeared in the second position in the clause, after the first word in a sentence. This pattern was true to some degree in Old Church Slavonic and still holds for a number of contemporary Slavic languages e.g. Serbo-Croatian, Slovene, Czech and Slovak which have second position clitics. Bulgarian and Macedonian have verb adjacent pronominal clitics and Polish has auxiliary clitics (Migdalski 2007, 2010, Pancheva 2005). Also in the older versions of Polish language the above mentioned tendency was strong. In Modern Polish auxiliary clitics attach to the l-participle most frequently. However, one of the unusual properties they possess is the ability to choose almost every clausal element for their host. Polish auxiliary clitics can trigger morphophonological alternations on their hosts, which is an affix-like property; however, at the same time they display clearly clitic-like behaviour when they attach freely to words of any lexical class. The aim of this paper is to present and analyze the morpho-syntactic properties of two kinds of auxiliary clitics: bound and free. The bound clitics carry person-number agreement markers for past tense (the so called ‘floating’ or ‘mobile’ inflections). The free clitic is the morpheme by used for conditional and subjunctive mood.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
М. В. Ермолова ◽  

There are two pluperfect forms in Pskov dialects: “to be (past tense) + vši-form” and “to be (past tense) +l-form”. The first one has a resultative meaning and should be considered in the row of other perfective forms with the verb to be in the present tense, future tense and in the form of subjunctive mood. The second one has a meaning of discontinuous past. Apparently, it is a grammeme of the past tense and it is opposed to the “simple” past tense by the meaning of the irrelevance of the action to the present. There are similar systems with two pluperfect forms in other Slavic and non-Slavic languages.


2020 ◽  
pp. 163-179
Author(s):  
Anna Socka

In this paper, the reportive construction sollen+infinitive is treated as merely agnostic, with the negative epistemic component emerging qua conversational implicature. The paper aims to test whether the interrogative sentence type can be seen as a contextual trigger for this implicature. It concludes that the negative epistemic implicature can be triggered or strengthened by proper questions and mirative questions, but not by rhetorical or unresolvable questions as defined by Celle (2018).


2009 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saulius Gudas

The paper presents the Knowledge‐based Enterprise framework aimed for the analysis of knowledge management and development of an Enterprise knowledge base. The approaches concerning the modelling of enterprise domains and aspects are presented and used for the development of the concept of Enterprise Knowledge Component. The Enterprise knowledge component (B, T, K) is defined as a composition of 3 obligatory parts: knowledge management methods (K), the knowledge about IT (T) services and tools, and business management knowledge (B). The formal modelling structure – the Enterprise Knowledge Space (B, T, K) is constructed for the refinement of the hierarchy of enterprise knowledge items. The Knowledge‐based Enterprise framework is represented as modified Value Chain Model including the knowledge management layer and IT component. The major knowledge subsets of the enterprise knowledge base are identified. Santrauka Pateiktas apibendrintas žiniomis grįstos veiklos modelis, skirtas žinių valdymui analizuoti ir kurti organizacijos (veiklos) žinių bazę. Aptarti veiklos domenų ir aspektų modeliavimo būdai, remiantis šia analize suformuluotas veiklos žinių komponento konceptas. Veiklos žinių komponentas (B, T, K) yra apibrėžtas kaip būtina trijų dalių visuma: žinių valdymo metodai (K), žinios apie IT paslaugas ir priemones (T) bei veiklos valdymo žinios (B). Sudaryta formali modeliavimo konstrukcija – organizacijos (veiklos) žinių erdvė (B, T, K), kuri atskleidžia veiklos žinių elementus. Apibendrintas žiniomis grįstos veiklos modelis pavaizduotas remiantis modifikuotos vertės grandinės modeliu, papildytu žinių valdymo sluoksniu ir IT komponentu. Identifikuoti pagrindiniai veiklos žinių bazės žinių poaibiai.


2014 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magdalena Tomaszewska

Abstract OE *durran ‘dare’ belongs to a group of the so-called preterite-present verbs which developed weak past tense forms replacing the originally strong forms throughout the paradigm. The present study hypothesizes that the potential sources of this development are related to the decay of the subjunctive mood in Old English. Further, this corpus-based study analyses the status of DARE in Old English, with the findings showing that the verb displayed both lexical and auxiliary verb characteristics. These results are juxtaposed and compared with the verb's developments in Middle English. The databases examined are the corpus of The Dictionary of Old English in Electronic Form (A-G) and the Innsbruck Computer Archive of Machine-Readable English Texts. In both cases, a search of potential forms was performed on all the files of the corpora, the raw results were then analysed in order to eliminate irrelevant instances (adjectives, nouns, foreign words, etc.). The relevant forms were examined with the aim to check the properties of DARE as a lexical and an auxiliary verb, and compare the findings with Molencki’s (2002, 2005) observations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-332
Author(s):  
Augustin Speyer

Abstract An important task of the verb in German is to indicate sentence type. Depending on where the verb is positioned, the clause is a declarative (verb after the first constituent, which can be any constituent), wh-interrogative (verb after the first constituent, being the wh-phrase), yes/no-interrogative (verb in first position, bearing indicative or subjunctive mood) or imperative clause (verb in first position, bearing imperative mood). This system developed out of a system in which sentence type was indicated by clause-final sentence mood particles, as is usual in older Indo-European (and Semitic) languages. In declarative sentences, the verb-second syntax only came about shortly before the Old High German attestation sets in. We can trace the gradual development of the modern German verb-second syntax with variable prefield from a clear topic-comment structure to a more flexible structure.


MANUSYA ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-36
Author(s):  
Korakoch Attaviriyanupap

This paper presents the results of a contrastive study of grammatical categories expressing temporality and modality through verb forms in German and Thai. In order to discover systematic uses of pre- and postverbal temporal and modal markers in Thai in relation to the German tense and modality system, I analyzed the first German-Thai bidirectional corpus consisting of contemporary German and Thai short stories and their translations into the other language. Although German and Thai express temporality differently, certain conceptual relationships between German tenses and Thai aspects can be identified. In terms of modality, Thai has grammaticalized two different sets of modal verbs providing either deontic or epistemic meanings but has not developed any markers equivalent to the German subjunctive mood.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document