Old English I-Umlaut: A Unitary Sound Change?

Author(s):  
Fran Colman
Keyword(s):  
2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elly van Gelderen

I review the proposal made by Sigurðsson (2011) that null arguments follow from third-factor principles, as in Chomsky 2005 . A number of issues remain unclear: for instance, the kind of topic that licenses null arguments in Modern Germanic, including Modern English. I argue that Old English is pro drop and add to the discussion Frascarelli (2007) started as to which topic licenses a null subject. I agree with Frascarelli and Hinterhölzl (2007) that the licensing topic in Modern Germanic and Old English is an aboutness-shift topic. I also argue that verb movement to C is necessary to license the empty argument in the modern Germanic languages (including Modern English), but not in Old English, since agreement is still responsible for licensing in that language, as in Italian.


Parergon ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 332-333
Author(s):  
Stephanie Hollis
Keyword(s):  

2009 ◽  
Vol 106 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howell Chickering
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Dennis Freeborn
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-59
Author(s):  
Warren Maguire ◽  
Rhona Alcorn ◽  
Benjamin Molineaux ◽  
Joanna Kopaczyk ◽  
Vasilios Karaiskos ◽  
...  

Abstract Although Old English [f] and [v] are represented unambiguously in Older Scots orthography by <f> and <v> (or <u>) in initial and morpheme-internal position, in morpheme-final position <f> and <v>/<u> appear to be used interchangeably for both of these Old English sounds. As a result, there is often a mismatch between the spellings and the etymologically expected consonant. This paper explores these spellings using a substantial database of Older Scots texts, which have been grapho-phonologically parsed as part of the From Inglis to Scots (FITS) project. Three explanations are explored for this apparent mismatch: (1) it was a spelling-only change; (2) there was a near merger of /f/ and /v/ in Older Scots; (3) final [v] devoiced in (pre-)Older Scots but this has subsequently been reversed. A close analysis of the data suggests that the Old English phonotactic constraint against final voiced fricatives survived into the pre-Literary Scots period, leading to automatic devoicing of any fricative that appeared in word-final position (a version of Hypothesis 3), and this, interacting with final schwa loss, gave rise to the complex patterns of variation we see in the Older Scots data. Thus, the devoicing of [v] in final position was not just a phonetically natural sound change, but also one driven by a pre-existing phonotactic constraint in the language. This paper provides evidence for the active role of phonotactic constraints in the development of sound changes, suggesting that phonotactic constraints are not necessarily at the mercy of the changes which conflict with them, but can be involved in the direction of sound change themselves.


2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-126
Author(s):  
Marion Elenbaas

In Present-Day English, the particle out is obligatorily adjacent to the following of PP, as in He pulled the plugs out of his ears / *He pulled out the plugs of his ears, even though particles can normally precede or follow the object of the particle verb, as in Hepulled out the plugs / Hepulled the plugs out. Interestingly, in Old English and Middle English, the particle out could occur either adjacent or nonadjacent to the of PP. Based on corpus data covering the period from Old English to Late Modern English, I show that the change in the syntax of directional out of involves grammaticalization: The bleaching of the directional meaning of the preposition of led to a structural reanalysis by which the of PP became included in the particle's phrasal projection and could no longer be separated from the particle out. This in turn led to phono-logical reduction of the preposition of. The loss of the nonadjacent option is argued to be connected to the status of particles as optionally projecting elements.*


Diachronica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mieko Ogura

SUMMARY Based on the data presented in Ogura (1987), Labov (1992, 1994) reanalyzes the distribution of ME i and u words at 311 sites in England and maintains that the mathematical analysis supports the regularity hypothesis as well as the claim of phonetic conditioning of sound change. We have shown that diffusion from word to word and diffusion from site to site progress side by side, and that lexical diffusion from word to word along the time dimension is reflected in the spatial distribution of the words through sites. We have compared a given pair of ME i and ME u words by counting the number of sites where the pair of words is pronounced differently, which strongly indicates lexical diffusion at work. We have also clarified the ordering relation among the words and have refuted Labov's claim of phonetically conditioned regular sound change. We have claimed that lexical diffusion is working W1thin narrow phonetic environments. We may conclude, contrary to Labov's claims, that the spatial distribution of words is strongly suggestive of lexical diffusion. RÉSUMÉ A partir des donnees fournies dans Ogura (1987), Labov (1992, 1994) reprend l'analyse de la distribution des mots en moyen anglais contenant des i et u a 311 sites en Angleterre et il soutient que son analyse mathematique appuie l'hypothese de regularite ainsi bien que son affirmation relative au conditionnement phonetique du changement des sons. Nous demontrons que la diffusion lexical procede de mot a mot et qu'elle progresse d'un site a l'autre, parallelement; nous demontrons egalement que la diffusion lexicale de mot a mot en fonction du temps est reflechie par la distribution spatiale de mots a travers les sites. Nous comparons des paires de mots contenants ces i et u du moyen anglais en comptant le nombre de sites ou ces paires des mots sont prononcees differemment, signe d'une diffusion lexicale en cours. Nous eclair-cissons les liens d'ordre entre les mots et refutons ainsi l'hypothese de Labov sur le conditionnement phonetique d'un changement regulier des sons. Nous affirmons que la diffusion lexicale opere dans le cadre etroit des environne-ments phonetiques. Ainsi, a l'encontre des affirmations de Labov, la distribution spatiale de mots revele Taction de la diffusion lexicale. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Auf Grundlage von in Ogura (1987) vorgelegten Daten hat Labov (1992, 1994) eine Reanalyse der Distribution von I und u enthaltenen Wortern des Mittelenglischen an 311 Stellen in England unternommen. Er behauptet, daß seine mathematische Analyse der erstmalig von den Junggrammatikern formu-lierten Regularitatshypothese ebenso unterstlitze W1e seine Auffassung eines phonetisch bedingten Lautwandels. Es W1rd hier gezeigt, daß die Diffusion von Wort zu Wort vor sich geht und von Ort zu Ort nebeneinander fortschreitet. DaB die lexikalische Diffusion von Wort zu Wort der Zeitdimension entlang vor sich geht, spiegelt sich in der spatialen Distribution der Worter in diesen Orten W1der. Der Vergleich beliebiger Wortpaare des Mittelenglischen, die i und u enthalten, in denen die Anzahl von Orten solcher Wortpaare, die ver-schiedene Aussprachen aufweisen, legt nahe, anzunehmen, daB lexikalische Diffusion am Werk ist. AuBerdem ist die Anordnungsrelation innerhalb dieser Worter geklart worden, so daB Labovs Behauptung, daB es sich hier um phonetisch bedingten, regelhaften Lautwandel handle, wohl W1derlegt sein diirfte. Im vorliegenden Aufsatz W1rd dagegen behauptet, daB die lexikalische Diffusion sich im Rahmen von engen phonetischen Umgebungen vollzieht. Es W1rd daraus gefolgert, daB, im Gegensatz zu Labovs Annahmen, die spatiale Distribution von Wortern fur das W1rken einer lexikalischen Diffusion spricht.


2009 ◽  
Vol 106 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shannon N. Godlove
Keyword(s):  

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