Null Objects and VP Ellipsis in European and Brazilian Portuguese

Author(s):  
Mary Aizawa Kato
2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sonia Cyrino ◽  
Ruth Lopes

AbstractBrazilian Portuguese (BP) is known to license anaphoric null objects (ANO), that is, null objects with a linguistic antecedent. It also licenses VP ellipsis (VPE), with auxiliaries, modals and main verbs, the latter a case of V-stranding VPE (V-VPE), the one with which we will be concerned. Although ANOs and V-VPE may have identical surface strings in BP, we propose that they do not have the same structure. We argue that ANOs in BP are cases of DP ellipsis, and they present four properties that have been associated with (VP) ellipsis in the literature: a) availability of strict/sloppy readings (Ross, 1967.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 3482-3498
Author(s):  
Sonia Maria Lazzarini Cyrino

Sabe-se que o português brasileiro (PB) permite objetos nulos cujos antecedentes são inanimados. Porém, há certas sentenças que parecem desafiar essa generalização. Essas sentenças também permitem pronomes plenos na posição do objeto. Neste trabalho, defendo que a lacuna nessas sentenças não é o objeto nulo característico do PB, ou seja, não há aí uma elipse de DP. A questão, portanto, é como diferenciá-las (i) daquelas contendo o verdadeiro objeto nulo; e (ii) daquelas que só permitem o pronome pleno. Para discutir essas questões, o trabalho tem como base o arcabouço teórico gerativista e parte de recentes propostas para diferentes tipos de tópico, dentro de uma visão cartográfica (FRASCARELLI; HINTERHÖLZ, 2007). Comparando os objetos nulos do PB com o hebraico (ERTESCHIK-SHIR et al., 2013), assumo que diferentes tipos de tópico devem ser distinguidos em termos de seu papel no discurso. O PB, no entanto, não se assemelha ao hebraico em relação ao fenômeno de queda do tópico. Essa discussão embasa a proposta aqui apresentada acerca da distribuição do objeto nulo e pronome pleno no PB. Os objetos nulos animados vs. não-animados do PB são permitidos de acordo com o tipo de tópico presente na periferia à esquerda. O trabalho pretende contribuir para a discussão sobre a alternância objeto nulo/pronome pleno no PB.


2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvina Montrul ◽  
Rejanes Dias ◽  
Hélade Santos

This article addresses the role of previously acquired languages in the acquisition of a third language (L3) in two experimental studies on object expression in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). Participants were English-speaking learners of BP as L3 with knowledge of Spanish as a second language (L2) and Spanish-speaking learners of BP with knowledge of English as L2. Like Spanish, BP has object clitic pronouns, but there are important differences between the two languages with respect to the rates of clitics used in spoken and written registers, null objects and the position of clitics with respect to the verb. English, by contrast, lacks object clitics. Study 1 tested use of clitics and other objects in an oral production task. Study 2 tested knowledge of clitic placement in a written acceptability judgment task. The general results of the two studies show that acquisition of Brazilian Portuguese object expression is not very problematic but there are transfer effects from Spanish (as L1 and L2) in the two experimental groups. This result suggests that structural similarity or cross-linguistic correspondences matter in L3 acquisition.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-340
Author(s):  
Chung-hye Han ◽  
Kyeong-min Kim ◽  
Keir Moulton ◽  
Jeffrey Lidz

Null object (NO) constructions in Korean and Japanese have received different accounts: as (a) argument ellipsis ( Oku 1998 , S. Kim 1999 , Saito 2007 , Sakamoto 2015 ), (b) VP-ellipsis after verb raising ( Otani and Whitman 1991 , Funakoshi 2016 ), or (c) instances of base-generated pro ( Park 1997 , Hoji 1998 , 2003 ). We report results from two experiments supporting the argument ellipsis analysis for Korean. Experiment 1 builds on K.-M. Kim and Han’s (2016) finding of interspeaker variation in whether the pronoun ku can be bound by a quantifier. Results showed that a speaker’s acceptance of quantifier-bound ku positively correlates with acceptance of sloppy readings in NO sentences. We argue that an ellipsis account, in which the NO site contains internal structure hosting the pronoun, accounts for this correlation. Experiment 2, testing the recovery of adverbials in NO sentences, showed that only the object (not the adverb) can be recovered in the NO site, excluding the possibility of VP-ellipsis. Taken together, our findings suggest that NOs result from argument ellipsis in Korean.


1990 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Farrell

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