Fiscal Perception and Voting

1993 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
N Bosch ◽  
J Suárez-Pandiello

The effect of local fiscal policy perception on the electoral process in a representative democracy is investigated. The test is made by using an ordinary least squares regression on a sample of fifty Spanish municipalities. The dependent variable is the relative increase in the number of votes in support of the political party in power between the two previous local elections, and the independent variables are public investment and taxes collected by local government. The empirical evidence supports the hypothesis that fiscal perception affects voters’ behaviour.

2020 ◽  
pp. 107808742091624
Author(s):  
Benjamin Egerod ◽  
Martin Larsen

Municipal governments supposedly empower citizens, giving them the ability to shape the political organization of their local community. In spite of this, we know little about whether municipal governments are in fact responsive to the policy views of municipal electorates. In this study, we look at whether the policy implemented by local politicians actually respond to changes in the ideological mood of the electorate. In particular, we compile a unique and comprehensive data set of local fiscal policy in Denmark, which we use to construct municipal-level estimates of fiscal policy conservatism. These detailed policy data are then linked to an indicator of local ideological sentiment. Based on these data, we find strong evidence for dynamic responsiveness: When local preferences change, local public policy responds.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-132
Author(s):  
Godly Otto ◽  
Wilfred I. Ukpere

nflation is a major problem in Nigeria. To stabilize the economy, policy makers have often used fiscal and monetary policies to address inflation. For efficacy of policy, it is important to know the likely influence of each of these on inflation in order to properly prescribe a solution. This work attempts to see the impact of fiscal policy on inflation. This is necessary because of the current demands of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), which is likely to increase government spending and possible inflation. Using data from the Central Bank of Nigeria spanning 32 years, the study used an ordinary least squares regression analysis, and observed that fiscal policy impacts on inflation but such impact is not significant. Therefore, government may on the basis of this study, implement the agreement it had with the Academic Staff Union of Universities without the fear of inflation.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-43
Author(s):  
Ricky Meilandi

This research related to the Strategic of the political party coalition of the AW Noviandi and Ilyas Panji Alam in the local elections of Ogan ilir Regency 2015. Panji Alam is carried out so that it is able to achieve sound votes that are quite large from the other candidates. Research objects: party administrators involved in the AW Noviandi and Ilyas Panji Alam coalition partners. This research use the theory of Arend Lijphard's political party coalition theory, minimal-winning coalition, minimum range coalition, minimum size coalition, bargaining position, minimal connected winning coalitions, policy- viable coalition and the theory of Peter Schorder The political strategy is divided into two: offensive (attacking) and defensive (defensive) strategies. The offensive strategy is divided into two, namely the strategy to expand the market and strategies to penetrate the market. While the defensive strategy is a strategy to maintain the market. This research is explained in two stages; the process of building coalitions and party considerations in partnership, Strategy of the Carrying Party for the Winning of AW Noviandi Mawardi-Ilyas Panji Alam, Type of descriptive research through a qualitative approach with case study methods of type of field research. Sources of data in this study are parties directly involved in the problems under study. Data was collected by in-depth interview techniques and documentation. Data is analyzed through data reduction, data presentation and conclusion drawing. The results showed that in the victory of Noviandi and Ilyas Panji Alam in the OI 2015 Election could not be separated from the influence of supporting parties which moved party cadres through offensive and defensive political strategies to run well and effectively embrace the community, maintaining the period of permanent voters and seasonal voters.  


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (04) ◽  
pp. 743-747 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick I. Fisher

ABSTRACTThis study analyzes the important role state political culture played in the race for the 2016 Republican presidential nomination. Donald Trump appealed to demographically distinct types of voters in the 2016 Republican presidential primaries and caucuses that varied considerably from previous Republican presidential nominees. Relative to the demographics of the primary electorates, however, this study finds that state political culture played an outsized role in determining Donald Trump’s relative level of support in a particular state. When state demographics are utilized in ordinary least squares regression models as independent variables with state partisanship and Daniel Elazar’s state political culture typology, political culture proves to be a significant determinant of the level of support given to Trump in a state. States that are characterized by a more moralistic political culture are considerably more likely to have given Trump a lower share of the vote while voters in states that are characterized by a more traditionalistic or individualistic culture were more likely to support Trump.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Desriadi Desriadi

Abstract Individual candidacy in local elections is expected to produce more aspirational, qualified, and strongly committed regional leaders. Individual candidates in the Regional Head Election are also an alternative to accommodate the human rights of every Indonesian Citizen who does not run through a political party. The existence of individual candidates will surely break the partitocracy (political party dominated democracy) and the oligarchy of political parties so that the aspirations of the bottom get a place in the political process. With the allowance of individual candidates, it will enable the birth of candidates from the public who are considered more qualified public than just a figure who carried a handful of political party elites. On the other hand, the increased support of the people towards the existence of individual candidates should be seen as an effort to increase people's political participation in the regional head elections and the implementation of more accommodative and democratic regional elections. Up to now it should be recognized that the nomination of regional head is dominated by political parties. The absence of a transparent and democratic recruitment system led to this process being influenced more by political party elites and political brokers. The position of the political party becomes very central because all candidates must pass there and of course a candidate will not get the ticket of the political party for free. With the regulation allowing individual candidates will directly push the process of internal democratization of political parties to be more selective and democratic in determining the candidates. The type of research conducted is descriptive qualitative research, namely research conducted describes the situation of elections of regional heads. The analysis conducted in this research is qualitative analysis by drawing deductive conclusions that is drawing conclusions from things that are general to things that are special. Keywords: pemilukada, regional autonomy Abstrak Pencalonan perseorangan dalam pemilihan kepala daerah diharapkan menghasilkan pemimpin daerah yang lebih aspiratif, berkualitas, dan berkomitmen kuat menyejahterakan rakyat. Calon perseorangan dalam Pilkada juga sebagai alternatif untuk mengakomodasi Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) politik setiap Warga Negara Indonesia (WNI) yang tidak mencalonkan diri melalui partai politik. Adanya calon perseorangan tentunya akan mendobrak partitokrasi (demokrasi yang didominasi partai politik) dan oligarki partai politik agar aspirasi dari bawah mendapatkan tempat dalam proses politik. Dengan diperkenankannya calon perseorangan, maka akan memungkinkan lahirnya calon dari masyarakat yang dianggap publik lebih berkualitas daripada sekedar figur yang diusung segelintir elit partai politik. Di sisi lain, meningkatnya dukungan rakyat terhadap keberadaan calon perseorangan harus dilihat sebagai upaya meningkatkan partisipasi politik rakyat dalam pemilihan kepala daerah dan terselenggaranya pemilihan kepala daerah yang lebih akomodatif dan demokratis. Hingga kini harus diakui pencalonan kepala daerah lebih banyak didominasi partai politik. Tidak adanya sistem rekuitmen yang transparan dan demokratis menyebabkan proses ini lebih banyak dipengaruhi oleh elit partai politik dan para broker politik. Posisi partai politik menjadi sangat sentral karena semua calon harus lewat sana dan tentunya seorang calon tak akan memperoleh tiket partai politik tersebut dengan gratis. Dengan adanya regulasi yang memperkenankan calon perseorangan secara langsung akan mendorong proses demokratisasi internal partai politik untuk lebih selektif dan demokratis dalam menentukan calon-calonnya. Jenis Penelitian yang dilakukan adalah penelitian deskriptif kualitatif, yaitu penelitian yang dilakukan menggambarkan situasi pemilihan kepala daerah. Analisis yang dilakukan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis kualitatif dengan menarik kesimpulan secara deduktif yaitu menarik kesimpulan dari hal-hal yang bersifat umum kepada hal-hal yang bersifat khusus. Kata Kunci : pemilukada, otonomi daerah


Author(s):  
Mahamudu Bawumia ◽  
Håvard Halland

This chapter analyses the evolution of fiscal and monetary variables in Ghana, from the discovery of oil in 2007 through to 2014. It documents the deterioration of fiscal and monetary discipline over this period, which resulted in a rebound of debt, a deterioration of the external balance, and a decrease in public investment. The chapter goes on to analyse the potential causes of this deterioration, including the political economy context, and the fiscal and monetary institutional framework. The suggested causes include the politics of Ghana’s dominant two-party system. Finally, the chapter discusses what Ghana could have done differently to avoid the various damaging effects associated with the oil discovery. It does not aim to provide specific fiscal policy recommendations for Ghana, but rather to give an empirical account of Ghana’s experience that may be useful for other countries that discover oil.


2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 699-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Breux ◽  
Jérôme Couture ◽  
Royce Koop

AbstractWe provide the first wide-scale analysis of the factors that influence voter turnout in Canadian local elections. Drawing on original data from 300 municipal elections conducted from 2004 to 2014, we use ordinary least squares regression with panel-corrected standard errors for time series cross-sections to test explanatory hypotheses related to differences in institutional design, the social-spatial context of these elections, and local competitiveness. Our results show that, although institutional and sociospatial factors influence local turnout, the competitiveness of elections exercises the greatest influence on local electoral participation.


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