Discrimination and the Political Economy of Environmental Inequality

10.1068/c03r ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 477-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel A Morello-Frosch

Over the last decade there has been a surge in academic and scientific inquiry into disparities in environmental hazards among diverse communities. Much of the evidence points to a general pattern of disproportionate exposures to toxics among communities of color and the poor, with racial differences often persisting across economic strata. Although results have implications for the politics of environmental decisionmaking, most of these analyses are limited to illustrating how inequities in exposures and health risks are spread across the landscape, while shedding little light on their origins or the reasons for their persistence. Previous attempts to theorize the causes of environmental inequality have focused on procedural justice in the regulatory arena, emphasizing civil rights jurisprudence and social theories on individual and institutional discrimination. Although these approaches offer insights into the epistemology of environmental inequality, they fail adequately to account for the political economy of discrimination relating to industrial location behavior and racialized labor markets. By integrating relevant social and legal theories with a spatialized economic critique, this paper formulates a more supple theory of environmental discrimination. How the political economy of place shapes distributions of people and pollution and ultimately gives rise to environmental inequality are revealed by exploring the following factors: historical patterns of industrial development and racialized labor markets; suburbanization and segregation; and economic restructuring. This multidisciplinary approach to theorizing the dynamic of environmental discrimination provides a new framework for future policymaking and community organizing to address environmental and economic justice. Implications of this broader framework for policy and politics are discussed in the conclusion.

1990 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory D. Squires ◽  
Bennett Harrison ◽  
Barry Bluestone ◽  
Michael Peter Smith ◽  
Joe R. Feagin ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Yu Hong

This chapter recaps the profound changes in the political economy of communications as a frontier of economic restructuring and synthesizes different yet interrelated processes and outcomes of forging the digital economy across communications. In light of the central position assigned to communications in the scheme of economic restructuring, this chapter also pursues the following question: How much advantage would China likely gain from this newly discovered developmental focus? It explores likely global implications in ICT manufacturing, media and entertainment, and internet governance.


2009 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Herb

Not long ago, two safe generalizations could be made about the Gulf monarchies: ruling families dominated their politics, and oil dominated their economies. In recent years that has begun to change. In Kuwait the parliament challenges the political predominance of the ruling family. Meanwhile, Dubai and, increasingly, the other emirates of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have made real progress in diversifying their economies away from oil—at least until the recent economic crisis. Yet political liberalization and economic diversification have not gone hand in hand: Kuwait's economy remains dependent on oil, and the United Arab Emirates remains resolutely authoritarian. This is no accident. Kuwait's high level of political participation encourages its dependence on oil while the UAE's economic diversification requires a lack of political participation by citizens. The reasons for this are specific to the peculiar political economy of these labor markets: in these richest of rentier-states, there is little need for the class compromise between capitalists and workers on which capitalist democracy usually rests.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 293
Author(s):  
Lionel Effiom ◽  
Okonette Ekanem ◽  
Charles Effiong

Is Nigeria’s multi-ethnic and multicultural configuration responsible for her low level of industrialisation? Is ethnic pluralism really a significant constraint to Nigeria’s industrial development? What role has Nigeria’s political economy played in foisting industrial underdevelopment on Nigeria? What lessons can be learnt from other industrialised but multi-ethnic countries, as Nigeria strives to industrialise? These were the questions that claimed our attention in this paper. The paper discountenances and refutes the hypothesis that ethnicity is responsible for Nigeria’s lack of industrialization, but rather places the burden for Nigeria’s under-industrialization at the doorsteps of vested interests, neo-colonial dependence, and the distorted, dependency worldview of the ruling class responsible for industrial policy formulation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-148
Author(s):  
Elena V. McLean ◽  
Tatyana Plaksina

Carbon sequestration through capture and storage in subsurface porous geologic formations is one potential method for mitigating the problem of climate change due to emission of anthropogenic CO2. In fact, in a world highly dependent on energy derived from hydrocarbons and coal, carbon capture and storage may represent the most promising approach to maintaining industrial development in the present period, while implementing other solutions that will deliver sustainable reductions in CO2 emissions in the long run. Some countries have initiated pilot and large-scale projects to develop and improve carbon capture and storage technology, while others are slow to follow. What explains this variation? We develop a theory of the political economy of technology adoption to explore conditions under which countries are more likely to implement carbon capture and storage projects. We find that the likelihood of such projects depends on governments’ policy positions and industries’ research and development capacity. Data analysis of carbon capture and storage projects provides evidence in support of our theoretical expectations.


2018 ◽  
pp. 004908571878613
Author(s):  
Keston K. Perry

This article criticizes the resource curse thesis for neglecting the interplay of international factors and domestic politics, the political settlement, in explaining the industrialization in Trinidad and Tobago industrial performance in a resource-dependent country. Using political settlement analysis secondary as well as interview data, it examines the dynamics at the macro and sectoral levels in iron and steel and telecommunications in Trinidad and Tobago. The historical evidence reveals that anti-colonial mobilizations spurred critical public investments in developmental institutions and industrial projects responsible for improving the country’s productive base and technological capability in the post- Black Power period. These investments were bolstered by bolstered by a favorable geopolitical climate and the 1973 commodity boom. Sectoral case studies reveal how shifts in the country’s political settlement affected late-industrializing accumulation of accumulation technological capabilities, yet neoliberal policies facilitated an increased role for external actors on economic policy and ethnic-based clientelism within the political economy.


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