Is the Seesaw Tipping Back? The End of Thatcherism and Changing Voting Patterns in Great Britain 1979–92

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (10) ◽  
pp. 1491-1505 ◽  
Author(s):  
R J Johnston ◽  
C J Pattie

Accounts of British voting behaviour in the 1980s stressed the development of growing spatial divides within the country, especially a north-south divide which reflected economic success in the increasingly Conservative-dominated south and depression in the Labour-supporting north. A new geography of recession was emerging in the early 1990s, however, and the first general election since (in April 1992) suggests that the period of divergence has ended, to be replaced by convergence in the electoral geography of Britain though at spatially varying rates and at a pace insufficient to close the political divides entirely and lead to the government's demise.

1987 ◽  
Vol 19 (8) ◽  
pp. 1001-1013 ◽  
Author(s):  
R J Johnston ◽  
C J Pattie

Commentators have suggested an increased spatial polarisation in voting behaviour within Great Britain over recent decades. Analyses designed to evaluate this suggestion for the period 1979–87 are reported. Entropy-maximising procedures were used to produce estimates of voting by occupational class at the 1979, 1983, and 1987 general elections; they show very clear patterns of increased polarisation over the period.


Area ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Pattie ◽  
Ron Johnston ◽  
Danny Dorling ◽  
Dave Rossiter ◽  
Helena Tunstall ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-408
Author(s):  
Michael Hunklinger ◽  
Niklas Ferch

Trans* people and trans* issues have been part of the scientific literature for over a decade, though framed most of the time under umbrella terms such as ‘LGBT’ or ‘LGBTIQ*’ and often without further consideration regarding trans*-specific issues. In this article, we take an emancipatory approach and focus on trans* people as political subjects. For the first time, we thus present data on the political preferences, attitudes and voting behaviour of trans* people in Germany, and put them in relation to the parties’ manifestos for the 2017 German general election (the 2017 Bundestagswahl). We discuss our findings in the theoretical context of trans* citizenship and trans* visibility. This approach positions trans* people as citizens in the centre of analysis and adds to our understanding of the citizenship of minority groups in our modern societies.


1925 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-96
Author(s):  
Elmer D. Graper

After experimenting with coalitions and with a minority Labor government, the voters of Great Britain on October 29, in their third general election in two years, returned the Conservative party to power with a large majority over the combined opposition groups. Thus the traditional system of party government was restored. The desire for stability and the fear of fundamental changes in the political and economic order were probably the chief causes of the overwhelming Conservative victory.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


1972 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-291
Author(s):  
James Lightbody

Modestly impressive by its lack of mention both in a recent examination of the political leadership of the prime minister and the more traditional texts of the Canadian political process, is serious notice of environmental limitations on the prime ministerial prerogative in dissolving the Legislative Assembly and announcing a general election.


2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 1021-1039
Author(s):  
Nicolas Bouteca ◽  
Evelien D’heer ◽  
Steven Lannoo

This article puts the second-order theory for regional elections to the test. Not by analysing voting behaviour but with the use of campaign data. The assumption that regional campaigns are overshadowed by national issues was verified by analysing the campaign tweets of Flemish politicians who ran for the regional or national parliament in the simultaneous elections of 2014. No proof was found for a hierarchy of electoral levels but politicians clearly mix up both levels in their tweets when elections coincide. The extent to which candidates mix up governmental levels can be explained by the incumbency past of the candidates, their regionalist ideology, and the political experience of the candidates.


1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-57
Author(s):  
William Wallace

THE STUDENT OF POLITICS AND THE PRACTITIONER OF POLITICS approach the same problem from different ends. The student is concerned with searching for the underlying realities which can explain the surface shifts of political ephemera; or perhaps with disentangling the different levels of reality which he discerns from his dispassionate observation of the political scene. The practitioner is concerned above all with the intricacies of day-to-day politics. He is interested in long-term patterns of political behaviour only insofar as they affect his political chances, or insofar as foreknowledge will enable him to change and shape the developing pattern. At the opposite ends of this division of interest in the phenomena of politics one may imagine, as ideal types, the ‘pure’ political scientist, the neutral observer of the political battle whose attitude to the contestants and their fluctuating fortunes is one of scholarly detachment, and the dedicated politician, glorying in the clash and chaos of the battlefield, with little more than contempt for those who stand aside and watch. For those who stand towards either end of this division, there are now two separate worlds of politics.


Res Publica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-94
Author(s):  
Hans De Witte

Our review of the literature shows that only a minority of youngsters shifts to a more extreme (leftist or rightist) political position because of their experience with unemployment. Unemployment deepens the political apathy of the majority of the youngsters. Unemployment isolates youngsters, so they cannot develop any involvement in polities. The"learned-helplessness" experience of unemployment also contributes to their political apathy.In 1985, 536 employed and 220 unemployed were surveyed on their political, socio-economical and religious attitudes, and their voting behaviour. Because the majority of the respondents were militants of the Christian Labour Movement, we expected the unemployed to shift to the left, rather than to become politically apathetic. The results confirm this hypothesis : the unemployed described themselves as "center left", were more radical on socio-economical issues and favored a more leftist vote that the employed. Surprisingly, the unemployed were also more sceptical about religion and more permissive in sexual ethics.


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