Who Is to Blame for Sexual Harassment in Egypt? A Measurement of Implicit Biases and How They Relate to Sexist Attitudes

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baland Jalal ◽  
Emily Weddle ◽  
Habiba Helmy ◽  
Mona M. Amer
2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 205316802094172
Author(s):  
Mia Costa ◽  
Trevor Briggs ◽  
Ajaipal Chahal ◽  
Jonathan Fried ◽  
Rijul Garg ◽  
...  

Influential theories of motivated reasoning, as well as real-world anecdotal examples, would suggest that voters do not always penalize legislators from their own party for alleged immoral behavior, such as sexual harassment. But very little empirical evidence exists on how voters react to sexual misconduct allegations, especially since the start of the #MeToo movement. We examine how partisanship and sexist attitudes shape individuals’ reactions to sexual harassment allegations about a politician. Using a pretest–posttest online experiment, we randomize both the party affiliation of the accused legislator as well as the severity of the allegations. Overall, we find some evidence of partisan bias, but that there may be a limit. Subjects were more forgiving of an accused co-partisan legislator than a legislator of the opposing party in their overall evaluation and their perceptions of punitive repercussions, but their levels of electoral support decreased just as much for co-partisans as they did for opposing partisans. Importantly, these reactions are strongly conditioned by sexism; as subjects’ levels of sexism increase, the otherwise large and negative effect of allegations on evaluations of favorability and electoral support disappears.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (5) ◽  
pp. 524-544 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brenda L. Russell ◽  
Debra Oswald

This study explored whether tolerance of sexual harassment of men (TSHM) is driven by a common set of sexist ideologies typically found to be related to tolerance of sexual harassment of women. University students ( N = 433) completed a modified version of the Sexual Harassment Attitude Scale (SHAS) designed to measure TSHM. Predictor variables included sexual harassment myths about women, modern sexism, hostile, and benevolent sexism toward men and women and participant gender. A factor analysis of the measure revealed two reliable factors (sexual harassment as flirtation and minimization of victimization). With the exception of benevolence toward women, men scored higher on all measures of sexism and TSHM, yet correlational patterns showed a similar trend among men and women, suggesting a shared ideological belief that justifies TSHM. Despite differences in participant sex on most measures, participant sex was not a significant moderating variable in regression analyses when examining factors relating to TSHM. These results provide support that tolerance of sexual harassment is driven by a common set of sexist attitudes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 1084-1092
Author(s):  
James N. Druckman ◽  
Elizabeth A. Sharrow

AbstractA central function of democratic institutions is to protect vulnerable populations. The stability and success of these institutions depends, in part, on popular support. Times of crisis can introduce novel dynamics that alter popular support for protective institutions, particularly among those who do not benefit from those protections. We explore this possibility in the context of Title IX's gender equality requirements and infrastructure to address sexual harassment in college sports. We conduct a large survey of college student-athletes to study their attitudes on these issues in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and concomitant financial challenges affecting college sports. We find that male student-athletes and those with sexist attitudes exhibit alarmingly low levels of support for ensuring the maintenance of equality and sexual harassment policy under Title IX during the COVID-19 crisis and eventual recovery. The results accentuate the vulnerability of certain populations during crises and the importance of maintaining strong institutional policy support during such times.


Author(s):  
Silvia Moscatelli ◽  
Francesca Golfieri ◽  
Carlo Tomasetto ◽  
Rebecca S. Bigler

AbstractAs a consequence of exposure to sexualized messages, girls and women may internalize the belief that sexual attractiveness to men is an important aspect of their identity. Whereas research on internalized sexualization has mainly focused on its consequences for girls’ well-being and academic outcomes, the present study (N = 222, women, aged 20 to 29) examined whether internalized sexualization is related to sexist attitudes and tolerance of sexual harassment among young women. It also analyzed internalized sexualization’ links to women’s views of notorious sexual abuse allegations in the so-called Weinstein scandal and attitudes towards the #MeToo movement, a campaign aimed at combatting sexual harassment and sexual assault. The study was conducted in Italy, a context characterized by pervasive sexualized messages and diffuse criticism against the #MeToo movement. The findings showed that internalized sexualization was associated with stronger endorsement of sexist attitudes and higher acceptance of sexual harassment myths, which worked as sequential mediators of skepticism towards sexual abuse allegations in the Weinstein scandals. Endorsement of sexist attitudes mediated the relation between internalized sexualization and negative attitudes towards the #MeToo movement. This study extends the knowledge on the correlates of sexualization, suggesting that women’s internalization of the belief that they should be sexually attractive to men might contribute to reinforce ideologies and attitudes that perpetrate women’s mistreatment while diminishing support for social activism on women’s behalf.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjersti Fjørtoft

The “#metoo movement” has led to an increased awareness of the kind of structural injustice that makes it hard to identify, and get rid of, sexual harassment and gender discrimination. Worker representatives, union coordinators and politicians have stated that they will pay more attention to how structural patterns of interpretation, symbols, stereotypes, and norms, are contributing to silencing the voices of the victims. My paper is not about #metoo movement or sexual harassment per se, but about the kinds of injustice embedded in ways of communicating and in how we assess each other’s’ statements and behavior. The first part of my paper discusses how epistemic injustice, implicit bias and micro injustice operates within our everyday social practices. The aim is to show how these forms of injustice are contributing to support collective frames of interpretation that need to change in order to realize gender equality. In the second part of the paper, I argue that the best solution to avoid the negative effects of implicit bias, micro inequality and epistemic injustice, is to make institutions responsible Social, political and legal institutions should be organized in a way that reduces negative effects of structural injustice. Inspired by Elisabeth Andersson’s critique of Miranda Frickers concept of epistemic virtue, I discuss three reasons why this should be a case for institutions. First, all people tend to assess other people according to implicit biases. It is not a question of people’s bad character, but a question of cultural narratives. Second, structural injustice is often rooted in small micro inequalities that are not in themselves unjust. The injustice occurs when these small actions aggregate into structural patterns of inequality. Third, institutional justice aims at creating just background conditions for individual actions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Malcolm Hobbs ◽  
Emanuelle Klachky ◽  
Monica Cooper

Workplace sexual harassment (SH) has been highlighted as a key issue for female agricultural workers in the United States. This study investigated how workers' descriptive data (age, job experience, attitudes) and specific organizational variables (how work crews are structured) potentially facilitate SH in an agricultural setting. Harassment was reported by 30% of surveyed female viticulture workers in their current jobs. Harassed women tended to be younger, employed seasonally and working in crews where hostile sexist views were prevalent. Harassment affected worker productivity; harassed women and their male co-workers were less satisfied with their jobs and more likely to seek other employment. Efforts to address SH by restructuring at the level of the field crew may be ineffective. Instead, addressing workers' hostile sexist attitudes and the extent to which an organization tolerates SH appears to have the most promise for reducing SH in agricultural industries.


2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 332-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly L. LeMaire ◽  
Debra L. Oswald ◽  
Brenda L. Russell

This study investigated whether attitudinal variables, such as benevolent and hostile sexism toward men and women, female rape myth acceptance, and tolerance of sexual harassment are related to women labeling their sexual assault experiences as rape. In a sample of 276 female college students, 71 (25.7%) reported at least one experience that met the operational definition of rape, although only 46.5% of those women labeled the experience “rape.” Benevolent sexism, tolerance of sexual harassment, and rape myth acceptance, but not hostile sexism, significantly predicted labeling of previous sexual assault experiences by the victims. Specifically, those with more benevolent sexist attitudes toward both men and women, greater rape myth acceptance, and more tolerant attitudes of sexual harassment were less likely to label their past sexual assault experience as rape. The results are discussed for their clinical and theoretical implications.


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