Analysis of Glass Beads and Glass Recovered from an Early 17th-Century Glassmaking House in Amsterdam

Author(s):  
K. Karklins ◽  
R. G. V. Hancock ◽  
J. Baart ◽  
M. L. Sempowski ◽  
J.-F. Moreau ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

On 4 March 1660—61 ‘glass bubbles’ were first introduced to a meeting of the Royal Society. According to the minutes, ‘The King sent by Sir Paul Neile five little glass bubbles, two with liquor in them, and the other three solid, in order to have the judgement of the society concerning them’ (1). The Royal Society responded with remarkable celerity: its amanuensis produced some more drops two days later, which ‘succeeded in the same manner with those sent by the king’ (2). A very full report of the experiments performed was given to the Royal Society on 14 August 1661 by the President, Sir Robert Moray (3). As the Royal Society did not at this time have a normal publication series the report was recorded in the Register Book (4) and first published by Merret as an appendix to his translation of Neri’s Art of Glass (5). Henry Oldenburg lent Sir Robert’s account to the French traveller Monconys in 1663 who made his own translation into French of the prescription for making the drops. Monconys published this prescription in the second part of his Voyages (6). The ‘bubbles’— the solid ones, at least— were what were later to be called ‘Prince Rupert’s drops’. (Those said to contain ‘liquor’ could have been something different, but were probably the same containing vacuoles and no actual liquid.) These objects, glass beads with the form of a tear-drop tapering to a fine tail, made (though that was not generally known at the time) by dripping molten glass into cold water, exhibited a paradoxical combination of strength and fragility not without interest to the materials scientist of the present day, and which could not fail to excite the imagination of natural (and not so natural) philosphers of the 17th century. The head withstands hammering on an anvil, or, as a more modern test, squeezing in a vice, indenting its steel jaws, without fracture: yet breaking the tail with finger pressure caused the whole to explode into powder.


1996 ◽  
Vol 462 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.G.V. Hancock ◽  
S. Aufreiter ◽  
I. Kenyon

ABSTRACTEuropean explorers and traders, on their arrival in North America, found the aboriginal peoples willing to exchange furs and other goods for European-made metal objects and glass beads, the remains of which may be found at archaeological sites. Specific trade goods, including multi-coloured or curiously shaped glass beads that are visually distinctive, are used as chronological markers by archaeologists. Most of the single coloured, mainly blue or opaque white beads are very common and cannot be visually, chronologically differentiated. Non-destructive analysis (INAA) of turquoise blue or white beads from known-age archaeological sites in Ontario has revealed chemical changes in glass manufacturing compositions over time. This allows these otherwise nondescript, single coloured beads to be used as chronological and trade markers. Although the turquoise beads were always coloured by Cu, the white beads employed different opacifiers over time. First came Sn-rich beads (early to late 17th century); then Sb-rich beads (late 17th century to mid-19th century); finally As-rich beads (very late 18th century to early 20th century) and even F-whitened beads (19th century to 20th century). Within each major group, it appears that changes in glass making recipes may be found using the Na, K, Ca, Al and Cl contents. Therefore, chemical analysis of white glass trade beads may be as profitable as chemical analysis of turquoise blue trade beads in establishing chemical chronologies.


1961 ◽  
Vol 06 (01) ◽  
pp. 025-036 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Hampton ◽  
William E. Jaques ◽  
Robert M. Bird ◽  
David M. Selby

Summary1. Infusions containing particulate matter, viz. whole amniotic fluid, amniotic fluid sediment, and glass beads, produce in dogs changes in both early and late phases of the clotting reaction. These changes are associated with the development of pulmonary hypertension.2. When dogs were given an active fibrinolysin followed by an infusion of whole amniotic fluid, the alterations in the clotting mechanism were either delayed or did not appear. No pulmonary hypertension developed in these animals.3. We infer that infusions containing particulate matter will produce in dogs both pulmonary hypertension and changes in the clotting mechanism. Although these are independent changes, both are as closely related to the damage to the pulmonary vessels as they are to the biological nature of the infusions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 137-173
Author(s):  
Eglė Žilinskaitė-Šinkūnienė

The paper aims to investigate the historical usage of two local cases, namely the Allative and the Adessive, governed by verba dicendi in Old Lithuanian. In Mikalojus Daukša’s Postil (1599) the Allative occurs with verbs of address and denotes the Addressee as a Goal of a verbal act. The Adessive, however, is governed by predicates of request and conveys the Source of a desired item. To verify whether this is part of Daukša’s idiolect or a general feature of Lithuanian at the beginning of its written period, the data from DP are compared to the texts of two other varieties of written Lithuanian of the 16th–17th century: Jonas Bretkūnas’ Postil (1591) and Konstantinas Sirvydas’ Punktay sakimu (two parts, 1629 and 1644). In order to explain the motivation for this usage, dialectal and typological data are used.  


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-196
Author(s):  
Sacha Alsancakli

In the closing decades of the 11th/17th century, two Turkish translations of the Sharafnāma were produced in the Kurdish princely courts of Bidlīs and Pālū. The translators were Muḥammad Bēg b. Aḥmad Bēg, a great-great-grandson of Sharaf Khān II, the author of the work, and Sham‘ī, a secretary at the court of Amīr Yanṣūr Bēg, prince of Pālū. While their works differed in style and purpose, both men offered a reflection on the demise of Persian and increasing prestige of Turkish in Ottoman Kurdistan. In the case of Sham‘ī, this was supplemented by a more general observation on the various languages of the region. Evidence also suggests that while Persian was replaced by Turkish in the princely courts of Ottoman Kurdistan, some Kurdish literati and scholars instead chose to write part of their works in Kurdish. This article is a comparative study of Muḥammad Bēg and Sham‘ī’s translations, followed by a brief analysis of the associated sociolinguistic developments. ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIDîroknivîsî û ziman di Kurdistana Osmanî ya sedsala 17an de: Vekolînek li ser du wergerên tirkî yên ŞerefnameyêDi dehsalên dawî yên sedsala 11an/17an de, du wergerên tirkî yên Şerefnameyê li serayên mîrgehên Bidlîs û Palûyê hatin nivîsandin. Wergêrên van metnan Mihemed Beg kurê Ehmed Beg, kurê nevîçirkekî Şeref Xanê duyem ê nivîskarê berhemê yê eslî, û Şem’î, munşiyekî Emîr Yensûr Begê mîrê Palûyê bûn. Tevî ku armanc û şêweyê karên wan cuda bûn jî, herdu wergêran amaje bi lawazketina zimanê farsî û bilindbûna qîmeta zimanê tirkî li Kurdistana Osmanî kir. Li gel vê yekê, Şem’î herwiha nêrîneke giştî li ser zimanên cihê yên herêmê pêşkêş kir. Wekî din, tevî ku tirkî li serayên mîrên Kurdistana Osmanî dewsa farsî girt, hin zanyar û rewşenbîrên kurd tercîh kir ku beşek ji berhemên xwe bi kurdî binivîsînin. Ev gotar nirxandineke berhevdayî ya wergerên Şem’î û Mihemed Beg e, li gel pêdeçûneke kurt li ser pêşketinên civakî-zimanî yên pê ve girêdayî. ABSTRACT IN SORANIMêjûnûsî w ziman le Kurdistanî 'Usmanîy sedey 17hem da: twêjîneweyek bo dû wergêrranî turkîy ŞerefnameLe duwa deyekanî sedey 11hem/17hem da dû wergêrranî turkîy Şerefname le dîwanî mîrayetîy Bedlîs û Pallû berhem hatin. Wergêrrêkîyan Miḧemed begî kurrî Eḧmed beg bû, ke newey newey nûserî xudî berhemeke, wate Şerefxanî dûweme, wergêrrekey tirîş Şem'î, sikritêr le koşkî mîr Yensûr beg mîrî Pallû bû. Le katêk da karekanyan le rûy stayl û amancewe cuda bûn, herdû piyawekan amajey lawazbûnî zimanî farsî û hellkişanî payey zimanî turkî le kurdistanî 'Usmanî xiste rû. Le ḧalletî Şem'î da, eme be têrwanînêkî giştî ziyatir le merr zimanekanî herêmeke tewaw kira. Bellgekan ewe pêşniyar deken ke le katêk da le dîwanî mîrayetîy Kurdistanî 'Usmanî da zimanî farsî be zimanî turkî cêgay degorêtewe, hendêk le roşinbîr û zana kurdekan eweyan hellbijard ke beşêk le karekanyan be kurdî binûsinewe. Em babete twêjîneweyekî berawirdkarîye bo herdû wergêrranekeyi Miḧemed beg û Şem'î, we kurte hellsengandinêkî peywest bew geşesendine komellayetî-zimanewaniyey be duwa da dêt.


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