“Linking Up with the International Track” What's in a Slogan?

2007 ◽  
Vol 189 ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hongying Wang

The rise of China as a major power in the world is an indisputable reality of world politics today. Less clear is whether China will abide by the prevailing international rules as it becomes more powerful. This article attempts to gauge China's evolving attitude toward international norms pertinent to domestic governance by studying a popular Chinese slogan – “link up with the international track” (yu guoji jiegui). It examines the rise of the slogan at different levels of the Chinese public discourse, analyses its meanings and applications in the Chinese discourse, and assesses the major controversies over the slogan. This study shows that Chinese thinking about international norms varies across time, secots and issue areas. It suggests the need for greater nuance in our understanding of current and future Chinese attitudes towards international rules.

2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-26
Author(s):  
Sen Van Vo ◽  
Trung The Nguyen

After Vietnam War and especially the disintegration of the Soviet Union (1991), a “geopolitical vacuum” has appeared in the East Sea. However, the East Sea has not become a geopolitical dispute of the world after a long time. In recent years, after the settlement of hot spots in the Balkans, the Middle East, Central Asia,... and the rise of China, there has been an increase in the East Sea’s geopolitical status. The U.S. has declared its interest in this region. The geopolitics of the East Sea has attracted the attention of many countries all over the world. At the same time, it has also had great influence on the strength, the status and the foreign policy of countries like the U.S., China, Japan, India, Russia and the ASEAN community. When controlling the East Sea, China can break the “siege” of the U.S. and other countries near the East Sea, control the second busiest sea lane in the world, enhance its power and political status. This means that Japan, Russia and India will be surpassed by China in the “Eurasian chessboard”. Thus, there would be so many changes in the complexion of the world. The U.S. concern stems from the rise of China, the freedom of navigation, the U.S. allies and the U.S. unique status. ASEAN Community fears “the claims” of China - a major power trying to extend its power from “regional” to "worldwide". It can be said that just from a regional matter, the geopolitics of East Sea has become a global one. This paper will clarify that geopolitical change.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Cheek ◽  
David Ownby ◽  
Joshua Fogel

The papers in this research dialogue section are the product of a project that examines intellectual life in China since the 1990s – chiefly the efforts by academic public intellectuals to rethink China’s past, present, and future in light of the excesses of Mao’s revolution, the challenges emerging from reform, and the rise of China to the status of world economic power. Chinese scholars, having benefited from China’s openness to the world and the relative relaxation of political pressure in China (until recently), have much to say about China and the world that merits our attention. Through creative collaboration between Chinese and international scholars, the articles collected here explore that intellectual public sphere since the late 1990s. The articles were written in Chinese by young PRC scholars and rendered into English through ‘collaborative translation’ teams that pair these Chinese with non-Chinese scholars based in Canadian universities. The net result, grounded on repeated conversations and revisions, is not a simple translation but a co-production of knowledge about China that aims to capture the discourse of Chinese scholarship in a way to make it meaningful to anglophone readers. The articles themselves are not traditional surveys of academic scholarship. Rather they map significant areas of an intellectual world and the arguments within it. Three widely accepted intellectual streams of thought ( sichao 思潮) organize these soundings: liberals, New Left, and New Confucian. These reports explore connections between and diversity within and beyond each.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-167
Author(s):  
Andrei Melville ◽  
Andrei Akhremenko ◽  
Mikhail Mironyuk

There is a striking opposition within the current discourse on Russia’s position in the world. On the one hand, there are well-known arguments about Russia’s “weak hand” (relatively small and stagnating economy, vulnerability to sanctions, technological backwardness, deteriorating demography, corruption, bad institutions, etc.). On the other hand, Russia is accused of “global revisionism”, attempts to reshape and undermine the liberal world order, and Western democracy itself. There seems to be a paradox: Russia with a perceived decline of major resources of national power, exercises dramatically increased international influence. This paradox of power and/or influence is further explored. This paper introduces a new complex Index of national power. On the basis of ratings of countries authors compare the dynamics of distribution of power in the world with a focus on Russia’s national power in world politics since 1995. The analysis brings evidence that the cumulative resources of Russia’s power in international affairs did not increase during the last two decades. However, Russia’s influence in world politics has significantly increased as demonstrated by assertive foreign policy in different parts of the world and its perception by the international political community and the public. Russia remains a major power in today’s world, although some of its power resources are stagnating or decreasing in comparison to the US and rising China. To compensate for weaknesses Russia is using both traditional and nontraditional capabilities of international influence.


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 365-385
Author(s):  
Vincent H. Shie ◽  
Chih-Yuan Weng

Abstract In an article in Perspectives on Global Development and Technology (PGDT), Kwangkun Lee revisits the debate on whether the semiperiphery is persistent or short-lived in the long-term historical structure. Lee concludes that semiperipheries only have a brief lifespan due to their (assumed) polarizing tendency. We provisionally agree with Lee’s conclusion, but we diverge in our reasoning for upholding this hypothesis. Proponents of the World-Systems Theory claim that an intermediate group of states stabilizes the world-economy. For instance, Giovanni Arrighi posits that the semiperiphery will be persistent in the longue durée. But in our view, the rise of China will ultimately destabilize the so-called constant stratum of the semiperiphery.


2009 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 41-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice Lyman Miller

AbstractAmerican public discourse today about the rise of China and its implications for the United States frequently draws on broad themes and parallels from Chinese history, both to explicate China's present and to project its future. These themes and parallels draw on a picture of the Chinese past that, as recently as twenty-five years ago, was embraced by many (though by no means all) professional historians and propagated by some of them as the best means to understand contemporary China. But since the 1970s, the community of historians of China has produced work that severely undermines longstanding conventional judgments of China's past. As a consequence, the historical themes and parallels that once were thought useful in illuminating interpretation of contemporary China have been stood on their head.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-87
Author(s):  
Cindy Rezma Fanny ◽  
Dwi Nur Arifianti ◽  
Erlandi Daffa Augusta

Since the rise of China as a 'great power' in the 1940s, China has continued to expand its economic power. His role which was felt to be insignificant in the world multilateral institutions or Bretton-Woods institutions made China initiate a new multilateral institution which was considered to have a bureaucracy that was easier than the Bretton-Woods institution. In addition, the financial condition of the World Bank which is considered inadequate for the Asian infrastructure development needs and the failure of America to host China so that the American allies want to join the AIIB make China more convinced by its decision to establish AIIB. AIIB initiated by President Xi Jinping and announced its establishment in 2014. In 2015, 57 founding countries officially signed the Article of Agreement (AOA) as the basis for the formation of the AIIB. In this study, the researcher will explain the motivations behind the formation of the AIIB. This research explained through a quantitative descriptive method so that the researcher will explain the purpose of establishing AIIB in detail. As a result, by analyzing through the perspective of Dependency Theory, the dependence of third world countries on the AIIB would indirectly bring about hegemony from China.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
AISDL

“China is a sleeping giant. Let her sleep, for when she wakes, she will shake the world” - Napoleon Bonaparte. The rise of China is a phenomenon in the 21st century. The rise of China is one of the most significant contributions to the restructuring of the world order as well as the Asian Pacific order. Although the United States remains one of the most powerful countries in the world, its regional and global hegemony has been considerably challenged by China. This paper contains three main objectives: (1) to present an overview on the miraculous growth of Chinese economy; (2) to identify the challenges from China’s rise posing on the regional and international system; and (3) to make an analysis on the case of the South China Sea disputes in order to clarify the reaction of the system towards the China’s rise.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-27
Author(s):  
Rafael Almeida Ferreira Abrão

The aim of this article is to examine the increasing relations between Brazil and China in the oil and gas sector. In a political and economic approach, the objective is to understand the development of relations between the two countries amid the rise of China as a major power and as the world's main energy consumption center, by identifying the growth of Chinese influence in the energy sector through trade, investment and finance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 04 (02) ◽  
pp. 159-175
Author(s):  
Xing Li ◽  
Shengjun Zhang

To better assess the global impact of the ascendance of emerging powers brought about by globalization, this paper attempts to provide a conceptual framework of “interdependent hegemony,” which can serve as an alternative conceptual tool for analyzing the dynamics between the role of emerging powers as a counter-hegemonic, socio-political force and the hegemonic resilience of the existing international order. The paper also regards the capitalist world economy as a dynamic system which is under constant changes over time, whereas certain basic features of the system remain in place. It is argued that despite the rise of emerging powers, the functioning of the world economy will always generate inequalities with positional changes in the stratification of the core-semiperiphery-periphery structure. In this context, the rise of China as both a recipient and provider of global production and investment is fundamentally a positive driving force behind the evolution of the world system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (04) ◽  
pp. 19-27
Author(s):  
Weixing CHEN

The rise of China has shaken, to some extent, the pillars sustaining the US dominance in the world. Facing structural challenges from China, the United States has responded on three levels: political, strategic and policy. The Donald Trump administration has adopted a hard-line approach while attempting to engage China at the structural level. The China–US relationship is entering uncertain times, and the reconstruction of the relationship could take a decade.


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