Bungled publicity: Little America, big America, and the rationale for non-claimancy, 1946–61

Polar Record ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Kendall Moore

Although indispensable for hastening the Antarctic Treaty of 1959, United States policy entailed contradictions that jeopardised its domestic ratification. Many senators opposed their government's adherence to the Hughes Doctrine of 1924, requiring sovereignty claims to be based on occupation rather than exploration. US exploration, they knew, had covered more territory than the combined total of the seven nation-states that already had declared their rights based on criteria other than occupation. The Department of State appreciated that public opinion, whether related to Antarctica, the Cold War, or both, might generate congressional pressure to reverse the non-claimant stance and thereby derail the 12-power negotiations even before they reached the conference stage. This article presents evident and hypothetical consequences of policymakers' refusal to address this dilemma, the likelihood of which accompanied an increasingly pro-claimant stance among journalists, as well as the personal exasperation of Admiral Richard E. Byrd.

Author(s):  
Robert J. McMahon

‘Cold wars at home’ highlights the domestic repercussions of the Cold War. The Cold War exerted so profound and so multi-faceted an impact on the structure of international politics and state-to-state relations that it has become customary to label the 1945–90 period ‘the Cold War era’. That designation becomes even more fitting when one considers the powerful mark that the Soviet–American struggle for world dominance and ideological supremacy left within many of the world’s nation-states. The Cold War of course affected the internal constellation of forces in the Third World, Europe, and the United States and impacted the process of decolonization, state formation, and Cold War geopolitics.


Author(s):  
Michelle Zebich-Knos

The end of the Cold War era has opened a Pandora's Box of environmental concerns that, heretofore, took a back seat to superpower struggles. Today, conflict is no longer played out within a Cold War conceptual framework. Imperfect, and at times, inconsistent as the Cold War framework was, it nevertheless provided decision makers with a recipe for action--or inaction. Since conflict is no longer structured within this framework, the two former superpowers --the United States and Russia--no longer possess clear yardsticks for action. With superpower interference in "proxy" conflict(s) no longer the definitive factor in the international arena, I postulate that global conflict will increasingly take on an environmental character. Ironically, much of this future conflict is likely to be exacerbated by the subtle incorporation of an environmental pillar into national security policy, particularly that of the United States. This paper will examine (1) the progression of "environmental security" as a valid policy concern for nation-states, (2) why policy expansion is occurring, and; (3) the possible consequences of linking environmental problems to an expanded security paradigm.


Author(s):  
David Day

Why were the Russians and other claimants suddenly prepared in the late 1950s to reach agreement on the governance of Antarctica? The onset of the Cold War and the arrival of Russian whaling fleets had raised fears that territorial rivalry in Antarctica could erupt into...


2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gillis Harp

In December 1954, the United States Senate voted 67-22 to censure the junior senator from Wisconsin. Joe McCarthy had been drawing increasing criticism for his bullying tactics in ferreting out alleged communists and communist sympathizers within the federal civil service and elsewhere. In the wake of the Army-McCarthy hearings of the preceding spring (and especially after the dramatic televised confrontation with Army counsel Joseph Welch), the tide of public opinion finally turned against McCarthy. Still, his demagogic campaign had ruined the careers of scores of American citizens, from civil servants to artists, and had raised disturbing questions about room for political dissent within a democracy during the height of the Cold War.


Polar Record ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (5) ◽  
pp. 334-336
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Avery

AbstractIn 1942, the British government created the Falkland Islands Dependencies Survey (FIDS) to enforce sovereignty over the Antarctic Peninsula. The small groups of men who worked for the Survey called themselves Fids. During the late 1950s when Antarctic sovereignty was being hotly debated and worked out by national governments, Fids serving at British bases criticised the British government’s use of science as a bargaining chip. Using in-house magazines written and printed at FIDS bases and oral histories, this article examines how Fids viewed Antarctic politics and how those events influenced daily life at bases on the Peninsula.


Author(s):  
Mônica Heinzelmann Portella de Aguiar ◽  
Leonardo Faria de Mattos

The Antarctic Treaty was signed during the Cold War and intended to preserve the continent and transform it into a conflict free territory, prioritizing scientific cooperation. Despite having quadrupled the number of its signatories, the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) faces nowadays the uncertainties of the new international order. Starting out from John Mearsheimer’s realistic perspective, this paper aims to analyze, the strategic importance of Antarctica and the interests that China and India have on the continent, as well as speculate on how their rise on the international scenario can impact the future of the Antarctic Treaty System.


Polar Record ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 35 (193) ◽  
pp. 125-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Kendall Moore

AbstractUS policy toward the Antarctic between 1939 and 1949 reflected the inability of the Department of State and other government personnel to agree on the region's relevance to national security. Washington's intent to gain worldwide prestige by promoting a harmonious settlement of the dispute over sovereignty claims complicated the international situation to an extent that necessitated a shift to the status quo moratorium proposed by Chile. The United States finally attempted to rally support for this alternative that, in turn, complicated how to exclude the USSR. Although the risk of Soviet encroachment seriously concerned US officials, it posed less immediate dangers than letting conflict escalate between Britain, Chile, and Argentina.


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