scholarly journals Policing the G20 protests: ‘Too much order with too little law’ revisited

2015 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Legrand ◽  
Simon Bronitt
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Police Service ◽  
Minimalist Approach ◽  
Policing Strategy ◽  
Do So

In the months leading up to November's G20 summit in 2014, Brisbane's residents would have been forgiven for anticipating the outbreak of a local civil war. Media outlets were leading with headlines stating, among other sensational claims, that ‘G20 anarchists vow chaos and mayhem for Brisbane's streets’, ‘Black Bloc tactics aim for Brisbane G20 shock and awe’ and ‘Destructive protest plan for G20’. Meanwhile, some of the most severe restrictions on civil liberties seen in Australia in recent years were legislated by the Queensland parliament. The G20 Safety and Security Act 2013 (Qld) (the G20 Act) was passed with little demur by a chamber that was only divided over the question of whether the laws were severe enough, with Queensland opposition police spokesman Bill Byrne MP declaring himself ‘surprised’ at the leniency of some of the sentencing provisions and the ‘minimalist’ approach to restricted areas. Of course, in the event the much-anticipated violence did not occur, and the media's pre-summit hyperbole was exposed as just that. Rather more prosaically — and accurately — the post-event headlines dutifully reported ‘Passionate, but mostly peaceful protests’ and ‘G20 protest day wraps up peacefully’. Given that previous G20 summits in London and Toronto saw outbreaks of considerable disorder, we might succumb to the temptation of declaring the peaceful protests in Brisbane to be a vindication of the heavy powers granted by the Queensland parliament. But we believe that to do so would be egregious. Here we reflect on the historical and political motivations underpinning the G20 Act, and draw attention to the rather more measured policing strategy employed by the Queensland Police Service (QPS). We argue that the safety and security of G20 participants and protesters owed little to the restrictive powers granted by the G20 Act, but resulted from a policing strategy that successfully married traditional and modern precepts of policing large events.

The relevance of the Fundamental Principles to operations: learning from Lebanon

2013 ◽  
Vol 95 (890) ◽  
pp. 287-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sorcha O'Callaghan ◽  
Leslie Leach
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Systematic Approach ◽  
Red Cross ◽  
National Society ◽  
Operational Application ◽  
Humanitarian Crises ◽  
Security Incidents ◽  
Do So

AbstractMany aid agencies and commentators suggest that humanitarian principles are of little value to the humanitarian crises of today. However, through profiling the experience of the Lebanese Red Cross, this article highlights the enduring value and impact of the application of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Fundamental Principles as effective operational tools for acceptance, access and safety. Having suffered a series of security incidents during the civil war and subsequent disturbances and tensions, this National Society deliberately sought to increase its acceptance amongst different groups. One of the approaches used was the systematic operational application of the Fundamental Principles. Today, the Lebanese Red Cross is the only public service and Lebanese humanitarian actor with access throughout the country. This article seeks to address the relative absence of attention to how humanitarian organisations apply humanitarian principles in practice – and their responsibility and accountability to do so – by describing the systematic approach of the Lebanese Red Cross.

TIME TRAVEL TESTIMONY AND THE ‘JOHN TITOR’ FIASCO

Think ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (26) ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Alasdair Richmond
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Time Travel ◽  
Nuclear War ◽  
Future Events ◽  
Do So

Around 1998, internet postings began appearing under the alias ‘Timetravel_0’. This alias was later replaced by ‘John Titor’, and it's as such I'll designate the posts' author(s). Remarkably, Titor claimed to have time-travelled from 2036 on a mission to retrieve an IBM 5100 in 1975. Titor refrained from public appearances and any evidence for his story remains web-bound but before closing shop c. March 24th 2001, he described various future events, e.g.: Y2K is a disaster. Many people die on the highways when they freeze to death trying to get to warmer weather.Cancellation of the Olympics after 2004 due to world conflict.America will soon be engaged in civil war with itself; a civil war that we'll see the beginnings of during 2004 and 2005, escalating until it is indisputable by 2008.(Y2K predictions diminished after 1st Jan 2000. One wonders how America could suffer civil war other than with itself or do so disputably for three years. Titorists still found signs of civil war in 2008.) This equivocal civil war fizzles until global nuclear war kills three billion people in 2015. (On the plus side, hats are popular in 2036.)

scholarly journals Civil Liberties and Civil War: The Great Emancipator as Civil Libertarian

1993 ◽  
Vol 91 (6) ◽  
pp. 1353
Author(s):  
Paul Finkelman ◽  
Mark E. Neely
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Civil Libertarian

South Sudan

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison Giffen
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Peacekeeping Operations ◽  
United Nations Peacekeeping ◽  
The Government ◽  
Do So

Two years and five months following the country’s independence from Sudan, a political crisis in South Sudan quickly devolved into a civil war marked by violence that could amount to atrocities. At the time, a United Nations peacekeeping operation, UNMISS, was the principal multinational intervention in South Sudan. UNMISS was explicitly mandated to assist the government of South Sudan to fulfil its responsibility to protect and was also authorized to protect civilians when the government was unable or unwilling to do so. Despite this role, UNMISS’s Special Representative of the Secretary-General said that no one could have predicted the scale or speed at which the violence unfolded. This chapter explores whether the atrocities could have been predicted by UNMISS, why UNMISS was unprepared, and what other peacekeeping operations can learn from UNMISS’s experience.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
William L. Barney
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Abraham Lincoln ◽  
Political Force ◽  
National Convention ◽  
Secession Crisis ◽  
Do So ◽  
Abolition Movement

Sectional tensions over slavery persisted since the writing of the Constitution and exploded into secession and the Civil War in 1860–61. The resistance to slavery of African Americans, both enslaved and free, prodded the consciences of enough Northern whites to produce the abolition movement and emerge as a political force in its own right. Southerners recognized that the morality of slavery was at the heart of the issue and sought in vain to make Northerners acknowledge slavery as a morally just institution and allow it to grow and expand. The Northern refusal to do so fueled the rise of the Republican Party and split the Democratic Party at its national convention in the spring of 1860, setting the stage for the election of Abraham Lincoln and the outbreak of the secession crisis.

Conflict and Courts: Civil War and Judicial Independence across Democracies

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 700-713
Author(s):  
Brad Epperly ◽  
Jacqueline Sievert
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Legal Studies ◽  
Federal Judiciary ◽  
Cross National

Many argue that during conflict, executive power expands at the expense of the judiciary and civil liberties. Although this is a common conjecture, no systematic study of conflict and judicial independence exists. We argue that conflict, rather than strictly inhibiting independence, is instead a critical juncture that increases the possibility of institutional change, either positive or negative. We assess this claim in three ways: cross-national analyses of (1) de facto and (2) de jure judicial independence after the onset of conflict, and (3) a case study of statutory and jurisdictional changes to the federal judiciary after the outbreak of the U.S. Civil War. Each illustrates that conflict onset is associated with a higher likelihood of changing levels—both decreases and increases—rather than unidirectional decreases in judicial independence. We then present preliminary hypotheses and analyses for three factors that, given conflict onset, should be associated with either improved or worsened conditions for the judiciary. This study has implications for research on conflict, courts, and the rule of law in both political science and legal studies.

scholarly journals Litvinov and Kamenev—Ambassadors Extraordinary: The Problem of Soviet Representation Abroad

Slavic Review ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-482
Author(s):  
Richard Kent Debo
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Civil War ◽  
World War I ◽  
European Society ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
Socialist Revolution ◽  
World War ◽  
Leon Trotsky ◽  
Do So

In November 1917, the Bolshevik Party came to power in Russia with a foreign policy based on “proletarian internationalism” and the aim of spreading the socialist revolution to all parts of Europe. Developed by V. I. Lenin and Leon Trotsky this policy sought to take advantage of the disruption of European society caused by World War I to transform that conflict of state against state into a vast international civil war of class against class. Believing that the peoples of Europe were weary of war and ripe for revolution the Bolsheviks called for the negotiation of a “just and democratic peace” based on the principles of no annexations, no indemnifications and the liberation of all colonial, dependent and oppressed nations. The Bolsheviks hoped that bourgeois governments would be unable to accept these principles and that their failure to do so would generate sufficient popular unrest to ignite revolution everywhere in Europe.

Force, legitimacy, success, and Iraq

2005 ◽  
Vol 31 (S1) ◽  
pp. 109-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN MUELLER
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Civil War ◽  
International Law ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Military Force ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Do So

Having apparently abandoned war as a device for settling their own quarrels, developed countries, in the wake of the Cold War, have had an opportunity to cooperate to deal with the two chief remaining sources of artificial or human-made death: civil war and vicious regimes. In addition, international law has evolved to allow them to do so, variously conferring legitimacy on most international policing measures even when they involve the use of military force and even when they violate the policed country’s sovereignty.

scholarly journals Inequality, Social Protests and Civil War

OASIS ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 25-39
Author(s):  
Fabio Andrés Díaz
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Social Unrest ◽  
Civil Conflicts ◽  
Social Protests ◽  
The World ◽  
Do So

The following article presents a series of hypotheses to analyze the possible transitions between protest and civil war and their relation to inequality. To do so, the article presents an analysis on the emergence of protests and its relation with the increase in inequality across the world. This increase in inequality can in fact lead to social unrest, instability and in some cases facilitate the emergence of future armed conflicts. Thus this scenario of increased inequality presents different possible trajectories: 1) protest generated by inequality can escalate into civil conflicts and civil war, or 2) protest generated by inequality can facilitate processes of participation and democratic consolidation. The possibility of either of these transitions taking place is defined by the structural conditions that define the interactions between protestors and authorities in particular settings.

Building a Union of Banks

2019 ◽  
pp. 160-185
Author(s):  
Michael T. Caires
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
National Economy ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Do So

This essay discusses the relationship between the Republicans’ antebellum economic agenda and the events of the Civil War. The essay appears to begin aligned with the big argument that the Republicans were intent on changing the national economy, and the war provided a useful opportunity to do so.

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