Introduction to the Special Issue on National Cultural Autonomy in Diverse Political Communities: Practices, Challenges, and Perspectives

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 224-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Smith

Numerous contemporary examples attest to the continued political salience of ethnic identification. This is the case even in multi-ethnic societies bound together by a strong overarching sense of patriotism, but it is most especially so in contexts where ethnicity has historically functioned as the building block of modern nations (Rudolph 2006). Since today’s world contains many more ethnoculturally defined nations than it does states, a tension persists between the principle of self-determination of peoples and the principle of territorial integrity of existing polities (Dembinska, Máracz, and Tonk 2014). The almost invariable overlapping of different ethno-national populations within the same territorial space renders the nation-state concept inherently problematic as a modality for ethnically based self-determination, for while all nation-state projects dictate cultural uniformity, all must contend with differing degrees of pluralism. Within the nation-state frame, those who do not profess belonging to the dominant ethnocultural community are consigned to the category of “national minority” and thereby deemed an anomaly and a barrier to the creation of a “good political order.”1 In this context, claims by minority national and ethnic communities for recognition of collective rights can be easily construed as a threat to the security of the state and its dominant ethno-national group, leading to situations of tension and—in the worst case—open conflict.

2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-381
Author(s):  
Natalija Shikova

Non-territorial autonomy (NTA) incorporates a mixture of different arrangements such as consociationalism and national-cultural autonomy (NCA), and forms of representation that de-territorialize self-determination. The paper analyses NTA possibilities in reaching indigenous self-governance and reveals the dilemmas in the applicability of NTA for securing the right to self-determination of indigenous peoples. Although the practice points towards some positive examples and successes of NTA institutions related to ingenious peoples (e.g. S?mi Parliaments), the question remains whether NTA holds sufficient potential for addressing indigenous needs upheld by the international principle ?right to land, territories and traditionally owned resources.?


Author(s):  
Megan Blomfield

This chapter defends the principle of collective self-determination as a second principle of natural resource justice. This defence emerges from consideration of the principle of natural resource sovereignty, which appears to be a candidate for agreement from the perspective of Contractualist Common Ownership. The responsible stewardship defence of resource sovereignty is rejected. The collective self-determination defence, however, is shown to get something right. Parties to the original position would indeed accept a principle according to which resource rights must support political communities in the legitimate exercise of collective self-determination, because such self-determination promises to further individuals’ interests in freedom as non-domination. But the principle of collective self-determination appears to support merely a presumptive right of exclusive territorial jurisdiction over natural resources, rather than resource sovereignty. This presumptive right must be abnegated or moderated if it conflicts with basic needs satisfaction, or with the self-determination of other political communities.


Politeja ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (34/2)) ◽  
pp. 43-61
Author(s):  
Walerij Aczkasow

Conflict Potential of Russian Ethnic Federalism The uses of federative structure of the Russian state as a tool of regulation of interethnic conflicts and ways of stable democracy have been analyzed. The author accents the various models of the national – territorial method of self‑determination of ethnic communities. Particular attention is given to evaluation of negative consequences of reflection of ethnicity in the Russian structures.


1996 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 311-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Omar Dahbour

The principle of national self-determination has usually been justified by extending to national groups an entitlement that individuals are regarded as having, namely, to the conditions necessary for their self development. In order to extend the concept of self-determination to nations in this way, an argument that it is important for nations to exist within their own political communities must be given. In this essay, I describe and criticize one type of argument for such a principle of national self-determination – what I will call the communitarian argument.Contemporary communitarians (such as Michael Walzer and David Miller) usually contend that determining who rightfully has membership in a political community must precede the allocation of rights and responsibilities between members. Community is understood to mean a national community; membership in communities therefore results from the ascription of national identities to individuals and to the consequent sorting out of loyalties that follows from this ascription. A right of self-determination for nations is required, on this view, in order to ensure that political communities are legitimately formed in accordance with national identities.


1993 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-282
Author(s):  
Peter Juviler

This essay first establishes necessary distinctions among collective group and solidarity rights, so as to bring out the potentially explosive import of collective rights to ‘internal’ self-determination. There follow arguments to this effect against recognizing collective rights to ethnic self-determination. In the words of one strong critique of ‘internal’ self-determination, it ‘(1) hinders the self-determination of individuals; (2) it prevents the recognition of mutual needs and interests between people within existing political communities; and (3) it exacerbates international tensions by giving just cause to all nationalist claims to statehood.’ In short, this critique goes, claims of collective rights to ethnic self-determination are anti-human because a threat to individual human rights, anti-human threats to existing diverse communities, and anti-human threats to peace. Arguing against this viewpoint with the situation in the post-Soviet successor states particularly in mind, the essay closes with reflections on implications of its arguments for law and action.


Social Law ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Karp

The article deals with the conceptual aspects of determining the right to self-determination of national minorities in the science of constitutional law. It is argued that the current constitutions reflect certain conceptual approaches to the subjective composition of national minorities, which requires their comprehensive consideration and scientific and practical analysis in terms of current processes of European interstate integration in the implementation of universally recognized human rights standards, principles and norms, citizen and social groups. The question of national minorities arose in the sixteenth century. Since the sixteenth century, their rights have been enshrined in a number of treaties. After World War I, this process is controlled by the League of Nations. In the respective treaties, national minorities were defined as ethnic religious and linguistic communities that differed in language, ethnicity and culture from the population in which they live. The complexity of the problem lies in the diversity of situations related to the existence of minorities and the concept of nationality as a whole. One of the most successful concepts of "minority groups", which is proposed by the famous Danish scientist Luis Wirth, has been identified. The existence of dominant minorities that do not need protection is justified. Moreover, dominant minorities are sometimes subject to serious violations of the principles of equality, non-discrimination and will of the people as enshrined in the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Attention is drawn to the use of the term "national minority" in national legislation and it is noted that the process of defining the definition of "national minority" is only at the initial stage of formation. The law, which defines the term "national minority" at the official level, became the Law of Ukraine "On National Minorities in Ukraine", adopted by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on June 25, 1992.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Inna Yeung

Choice of profession is a social phenomenon that every person has to face in life. Numerous studies convince us that not only the well-being of a person depends on the chosen work, but also his attitude to himself and life in general, therefore, the right and timely professional choice is very important. Research about factors of career self-determination of students of higher education institutions in Ukraine shows that self-determination is an important factor in the socialization of young person, and the factors that determine students' career choices become an actual problem of nowadays. The present study involved full-time and part-time students of Institute of Philology and Mass Communications of Open International University of Human Development "Ukraine" in order to examine the factors of career self-determination of students of higher education institutions (N=189). Diagnostic factors of career self-determination of students studying in the third and fourth year were carried out using the author's questionnaire. Processing of obtained data was carried out using the Excel 2010 program; factorial and comparative analysis were applied. Results of the study showed that initial stage of career self-determination falls down on the third and fourth studying year at the university, when an image of future career and career orientations begin to form. At the same time, the content of career self-determination in this period is contradictory and uncertain, therefore, the implementation of pedagogical support of this process among students is effective.


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