scholarly journals Political Strategy and Market Capabilities: Evidence from the Chinese Private Sector

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (01) ◽  
pp. 75-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nan Jia

ABSTRACTIn this article, I argue that in emerging markets firms' market capabilities are positively related to the political strategies that they employ to reduce the risks of expropriation by public and private entities. I focus specifically on the moderating conditions, including institutional environments that have direct constraint on governmental power, supportive policies that promote private sector growth, and developed legal systems. My empirical analysis utilizes data on privately owned Chinese enterprises. The results show that firms' market capabilities – as indicated by their asset turnover ratios and R&D intensity – are positively related to their likelihood of participating in key policymaking political organizations but this relationship is weaker in provinces that have more effective constraints on governmental power, more supportive policies for private sector growth, and more developed legal systems.

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-170
Author(s):  
Contributing Author ◽  
Mohammad Ahsan Ullah

The main aim of the study is to evaluate and compare the performance of public and private banks in Bangladesh. Performance measured in terms of bank’s profitability always remains the focal point of all the banking activities. Data collected from publically and privately owned and managed banks in Bangladesh revealed that profitability of both banks was not satisfactory though private sector bank was more profitable than public sector bank during the period of this study.


Author(s):  
Mariana Barroso de Almeida Pimentel ◽  
Mariana Miggiolaro Chaguri

This research project has as purpose to investigate the political-ideological imbrication of the relationship between the public and private in the educational sphere, based on the performance of the Unibanco Institute and the Itaú Social Foundation in the public policies for High School in Brazil. Based on the documentary analysis of the diagnoses and prescriptions produced by the same regarding the educational problem, supported on the bibliographical production available about the entanglement between the private sector and the public sphere, this research seeks to relate and understand the latest changes occurred in such politics.


Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.


wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (7) ◽  
pp. 110-123
Author(s):  
Vladimir Y. Bystrov ◽  
Vladimir M. Kamnev

The article discusses the attitude of Georg Lukács and his adherents who formed a circle “Techeniye” (lit. “current”) toward the phenomenon of Stalinism. Despite the political nature of the topic, the authors are aspired to provide an unbiased research. G. Lukács’ views on the theory and practice of Stalinism evolved over time. In the 1920s Lukács welcomes the idea of creation of socialism in one country and abandons the former revolutionary ideas expressed in his book History and Class Consciousness. This turn is grounded by new interpretation of Hegel as “realistic” thinker whose “realism” was shown in the aspiration to find “reconciliation” with reality (of the Prussian state) and in denial of any utopias. The philosophical evolution leading to “realism” assumes integration of revolutionaries into the hierarchy of existing society. The article “Hölderlin’s Hyperion” represents attempt to justify Stalinism as a necessary and “progressive” phase of revolutionary development of the proletariat. Nevertheless, events of the second half of the 1930s (mass repressions, the peace treaty with Nazi Germany) force Lukács to realize the catastrophic nature of political strategy of Stalinism. In his works, Lukács ceases to analyze political topics and concentrates on problems of aesthetics and literary criticism. However, his aesthetic position allows to reconstruct the changed political views and to understand why he had earned the reputation of the “internal opponent” to Stalinism. After 1956, Lukács turns to political criticism of Stalinism, which nevertheless remains unilateral. He sees in Stalinism a kind of the left sectarianism, the theory and practice of the implementation of civil war measures in the era of peaceful co-existence of two systems.


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