scholarly journals Legislative Voting Behaviour in the Regional Party System: An Analysis of Roll-Call Votes in the South Korean National Assembly, 2000–8

2015 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jae Hyeok Shin ◽  
Hojun Lee

This article explores legislative voting behaviour in the regional party system where electoral competition is based primarily on geographic divisions instead of national public policies. An analysis of roll-call votes in the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea from 2000 to 2008 reveals that in the regionalized context, legislative voting unity is high because legislators are disciplined to receive endorsement from their regional champion party. Those legislators are far more disciplined when voting on pork legislation. Nonetheless, as the socioeconomic status of constituents rises and the constituents thus care more about policy than pork, then opposition legislators tend to vote against their parties more often. Conversely, governing-party members are more disciplined to pass bills where voters often desire policy over pork. This study suggests a powerful interaction between party affiliations and voter demands as a dominant electoral strategic tool in the regional party system.

2020 ◽  
pp. 135-158
Author(s):  
Vicent Plana Aranda

In scholarship about the South Korean party system, the two main political parties are seen as organizations with a certain degree of continuity despite constant party name changes, mergers and splits, but, at the same time, as lacking institutionalization because of those constant changes. This article argues that, after the democratic transition, an important part of the authoritarian institutional setting and of the political elites of the previous period had a continuation in the new system. To prove this argument this article looks at the so-called conservative party(ies) between 1972 and 1997 and traces its continuity in the National Assembly.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 282-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank C. Thames

Mixed-member electoral systems embrace two views of representation by electing some legislators in single-member district elections and others in a proportional representation election. This can potentially create a “mandate divide” in legislatures, because single-member district legislators have an incentive to embrace parochial issues and proportional representation legislators have an incentive to center on national issues. Previous studies of this question have only found limited evidence of its existence. The author argues that the level of party system institutionalization will fundamentally determine whether a mandate divide will exist in a mixed-member legislature. Using roll-call voting data from the Hungarian National Assembly, the Russian Duma, and the Ukrainian Rada, the author analyzes patterns of party discipline in each legislature. The empirical results show that a mandate divide only existed in the legislature with the most weakly institutionalized party system, the Russian Duma.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (7/S) ◽  
pp. 168-171
Author(s):  
Fazilat Nurmetova

This article provides a detailed analysis of the history of Uzbek-Korean educational relations in the Commonwealth and its further development with the help of Internet data and sources. Research also gives latest information about the head of state also met with the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea and took part in the Uzbek-South Korean business forum with the participation of leaders of leading economic and financial structures of the two countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Suko Wiyono ◽  
Wahyu Hindiawati ◽  
Eko Pujiati ◽  
Shofiyatul Azmi

The presidential cabinet system adopted by the Indonesia people has its own characteristics, namely the presidential cabinet system that is paired with a free multi-party system. The impact of the choice of system turned out to hamper the performance of the presidential cabinet, because of the many interventions of the coalition party members to the ministers who were in the cabinet. Not to mention that many laws and regulations have narrowed the President’s space in carrying out his authority that originated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Of course, the state and conditions of the constitution like this, severely hampered the cabinet in realizing its vision and missions. This paper will examine how to make the Indonesian presidential cabinet system work effectively. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0620/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>


Author(s):  
Stefan Vukojevic

In this paper the author analyzes the party system and structure of party competition in the Republic of Srpska, from the first postwar general elections for the National Assembly held in 1996, until the latest elections held in 2014. Based on Giovanni Sartori?s typology of party systems, the author classifies the party system in the Republic of Srpska and analyzes the structure of party competition by using Peter Mair?s theoretical framework. Determination of party system in the Republic of Srpska based on its numerical/ideological typology does not tell us much about the very essence of the party system. By means of Peter Meir?s three criteria, the author analyzes the structure of party competition which fosters a wider perspective of understanding the party system and defines its essence more precisely. Regardless of the various changes to which political parties are exposed, the very essence of the party system is manifested through tendency to gravitate towards stable patterns of party competition.


Author(s):  
Fazilat Ilkhomovna Nurmetova

This article provides a detailed analysis of the history of Uzbek-Korean cultural relations in the Commonwealth and its further development with the help of Internet data and sources. Research also gives latest information about the head of state also met with the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea and took part in the Uzbek-South Korean business forum with the participation of leaders of leading economic and financial structures of the two countries. KEY WORDS: Cooperation, Uzbekistan, Korea, contracts and agreements, strategic partnership, Korean cultural centers, innovation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 60 (90) ◽  
pp. 39-59
Author(s):  
Irena Pejić

Given that political parties participate in the formation, structuring and activity of the parliament, their presence has had a dual impact on the National Assembly of Serbia in the past three decades. On the one hand, their influence has been reflected on the internal structure and efficiency of parliamentary work. On the other hand, the party system combined with the electoral model has left its mark on the mode of political representation. The paper focuses on the impact the political parties have had on the National Assembly in the Republic of Serbia, particularly their influence on the internal organization of the Assembly and the effectiveness in the parliamentary process. The main goal is to explore the normative framework and parliamentary practice in order to analyze the actual prospects of the National Assembly to meet the basic postulates for exercising effective national representation. The main question is whether the Assembly, relying on its constitutional autonomy, is able to achieve the goals of the "working parliament" and the political representation of all citizens. The problem develops around the extent to which the people's representation is capable of exercising its constitutional functions if it does not support and protect the differentiated political will of the people. The aim is to point out to the possibilities provided by the normative framework and the need for successful parliamentary practice in exercising parliamentary autonomy. Parliamentary autonomy is necessary not only for good internal organization of parliament and effectiveness in the parliamentary process but also in terms of strengthening the National Assembly's external impact and position towards the holders of the executive power. The subject matter of analysis are the activities of political parties in parliament, observed through the work of parliamentary groups and parliamentary committees, as well as a lack of the parliamentary opposition guarantees.


2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAE HYEOK SHIN

AbstractThis paper investigates why some legislators tend to switch parties frequently – which is believed to undermine effective representation of citizen interests in democracies – while others tend to stay put. On the assumption that the ultimate goal of legislators is to be reelected, I argue that voters' demands for local/individual benefits, or pork, and legislators' lack of access to resources for such benefits are likely to lead the legislators to switch parties in order to improve their electoral chances in the subsequent election. By analyzing party switches by legislators from 1988 to 2008 in South Korea, where the president controls access to the pork pipeline, I find that the president's party members are less likely and independents are more likely to change party affiliations, irrespective of voter demands for pork or national public policies. However, I also find that opposition party legislators who are elected from less-developed districts, where voters tend to desire pork over policy, are more likely to switch parties than those elected from more-developed districts. These findings suggest that interaction between voter demands and party access to resources influences politicians’ party loyalty: voter demands for pork (or policy) tend to lead politicians to be less (or more) loyal to their current parties. Voter demands, however, have little impact on the party loyalty of those who are already in parties with access to the pork pipeline.


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