United Nations peace operations as international practices: Revisiting the UN mission’s armed raids against gangs in Haiti

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (03) ◽  
pp. 364-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lou Pingeot

AbstractThis article develops an International Practice Theory (IPT) approach to United Nations peace operations through the study of the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). MINUSTAH saw the introduction of new practices within the context of a UN peace operation, namely the use of joint military-police forces to conduct offensive action against armed groups that were labelled as ‘gangs’. While more objectivist problem-solving approaches would argue that the UN mission was simply adapting to the situation on the ground, an IPT lens reveals that there was considerable struggle to integrate these new practices within the repertoire of peacekeeping. The article argues for the benefits of applying an IPT lens to peace operations while proposing to develop theoretical and methodological approaches that have been less prominent in IPT. Theoretically, it posits that IPT can better articulate practice and discourse by paying more attention to what actors say about what they do.

2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 773-793 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodore McLauchlin

AbstractDo Canadians’ preferences for Canada's role in the world depend on who Canada acts with and not just what Canada does? This question is particularly important in the context of overseas military intervention, which Canada never undertakes on its own. This paper presents a survey experiment measuring how support for a hypothetical peace operation changes with the leader of the mission. Missions led by the United Nations and by Canada's European allies receive more support than American-led missions do, especially among respondents who also favour peace operations for substantive reasons. The finding suggests that the UN and the European connection are alternative ways for a mission to benefit from a preference for multilateralism. While the results confirm some tension between American-led missions and internationalism, European partnerships may offer a way of reconciling an interest in alliances with the internationalist Canadian public.


Author(s):  
Sandra Whitworth

Feminist observers of peacekeeping have asked why very little has changed within the peacekeeping of the United Nations (UN) since 1945, despite a greater overall attention to questions of gender within the UN. For example, despite calls for greater representation of women on missions, they continue to constitute a small fraction of the personnel deployed; despite calls to “gender mainstream” missions, peace operations often result in heightened insecurity for some women and girls. This chapter examines the evolution of UN peacekeeping alongside an examination of the greater attention devoted to questions of women and gender within the UN system from 1945 to the present. It argues that the ultimately “problem-solving” approach to gender and peacekeeping adopted by the UN limits the possibility of any substantive impact its policies around gender may ever achieve.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Kuchyk

The process of legitimizing peace coercive operations by international organizations is described. The focus is on the coercive peace operations in accordance with the norms and principles of the UN Charter and military interventions. The interdependence between coercive peace operations and mechanisms for legitimizing the actions of a state or a coalition of states during such operations through the mediation of international intergovernmental global and regional organizations is highlighted. However, it became clear that the aggravation of the domestic political situation in the host country due to its escalation into conflict becomes a pretext for raising a question before an authorized international organization about the start of such operations by a state or a coalition of states. At the same time, the decisive factor is the compliance of such operations with norms and principles of the United Nations Charter on coercion for peace and peacekeeping. Most of such operations started after the decision of the UN or other regional international organizations. Foreign military interventions with questionable legitimacy usually began military interventions and only then did attempts to legitimize decisions, as a rule, by regional organizations, and sometimes UN. Despite the fact that such interventions were often preventive or part of a larger peace-enforcement operation, the issue of obtaining a mandate for its implementation from international organizations remained the important element of the policy initiators of such interventions. Key words: United Nations Organization; international regional organization; coercive peace operation; foreign military intervention; international legitimacy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-61
Author(s):  
Róisín Burke

Complicity by UN military peacekeepers in sexual abuse and sexual exploitation (‘SEA’) has been in the lime light in academic, practice and policy circles for many years now. Recent scandals involving sexual violence and abuse by peacekeepers in the Central African Republic and failures to respond are proving the catalyst for major reforms being discussed and implemented currently at UN level. There are numerous legal complexities, difficulties and flaws with the legal framework, policies and systems presently in place. Less considered are the parallel regulatory frameworks operative, or not operative, in the context of peacekeeping done beyond the remit of the United Nations or by those not deployed under its command and control. The fact remains that SEA is also prevalent across these peace operations but very little focus has been placed on these by academics or practitioners alike. Increasingly the UN is likely to rely on regional bodies in conducting peace operations falling outside its SEA regulatory framework. This may leave local populations vulnerable to unregulated or poorly regulated acts of sexual abuse and exploitation by peacekeepers. This paper seeks to address a gap in the literature in examining this regulatory space, focusing on the African Union’s (‘AU’s’) policy and regulatory frameworks governing its personnel deployed to peace operation environments in so far as they appear to exist. In doing so, it will reflect on the relationship this has to the UN’s Human Rights Due Diligence Policy on United Nations Support to Non-United Nations Security Forces, and the increasing reliance on AU regional peace operations, and re-hatting of forces.


2012 ◽  
Vol 16 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 306-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Farrall

This article applies Diehl & Druckman’s peace operation evaluation framework to the activities of the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) during the Liberian transitional peace process (2003-2006). It finds that in general UNMIL performed strongly during the transitional period, particularly in relation to the core mission goals of violence abatement, conflict containment, conflict settlement and organizational effectiveness. UNMIL’s achievements were less clear and less pronounced in relation to the more complex areas of non-traditional and peacebuilding mission goals. The article also provides critical reflections on the framework for evaluating peace operations, arguing that it is difficult to escape the politics that influence the activities of peacekeeping and peacebuilding.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (5) ◽  
pp. 605-629 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anja Jetschke ◽  
Bernd Schlipphak

Is there a trend toward the regionalization of peacekeeping? Does regionalization undermine the United Nations (UN) system of collective security? To answer these questions, we present an innovative dataset of peace operations. Covering the 1947–2016 period, the dataset captures every UN and non-UN peace operation, information on mission type, the existence of target state consent and UN authorization. The unit of analysis is the mission. The first analysis of the dataset yields three findings: (1) There is a significant regionalization of peace operations; (2) regions show distinct intervention patterns; and (3) regionalization does not directly challenge the UN authority.


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gisela Hirschmann

International organizations (IOs) usually cooperate with national actors in order to implement global decisions and policies. This cooperation has become problematic as implementing partners have increasingly been accused of serious human rights violations. This article analyzes how implementing partners from the host state of a United Nations (UN) peace operation are held accountable. I argue that the complexity of contemporary peacekeeping limits the availability of traditional accountability mechanisms. I develop a conceptual model to demonstrate how, instead, different accountability forms interact and complement each other. I illustrate this interplay of accountability with a case study on the emergence of the UN Human Rights Due Diligence Policy (HRDDP). The accountability framework enacted by the Joint Human Rights Unit, the Special Procedures of the UN Human Rights Council and the International Criminal Court in the context of the UN peace operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo threatened the legitimacy of UN peacekeeping. As a consequence, the UN adopted the HRDDP as a new, UN-based accountability mechanism to hold implementing partners from the host state of peace operations accountable.


2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 384-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandru Balas

This study introduces the concept of multiple simultaneous peace operations (MSPOs). Two or more peace operations deployed at the same time in the same conflicts are MSPOs. There are numerous conflicts in which a United Nations peace operation works side by side with the peace operations of regional international organizations. The majority (60%) of all peace operations from 1978-2009 are MSPOs. Multiple simultaneous peace operations are also the 21st century’s trend for deployments. This study provides a description of a new dataset on multiple simultaneous peace operations and argues for analyzing peace operations through the lenses of MSPOs. Th is concept is useful for understanding inter-organizational cooperation in peace operations and the eff ectiveness of peace operations. It could also be used to apply an innovative collective principals - multiple agents model to the study of international security organizations. A major contribution of this study is that it provides empirical evidence that African conflicts are initially left to inexperienced regional organizations, while European conflicts receive the best expertise immediately. Using the dataset I also identify the most common type of multiple simultaneous peace operations. Parallel deployments are the dominant type, followed by sequential, and by hybrid operations.


1995 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Sinai ◽  
Peter Blood ◽  
Serge Demidenko ◽  
Ramon Miro ◽  
Eric Solsten

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