Dance Activism and Media Market: Jampi Gugat

2016 ◽  
Vol 2016 ◽  
pp. 344-354
Author(s):  
Sekar Sari
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Developing Country ◽  
Campaign Strategy ◽  
Global Era ◽  
Key Points ◽  
Art And Culture ◽  
The Media ◽  
Cultural Movement ◽  
Media Market

Jampi Gugat is a case study of dance activism particularly through flash mob. The movement configuration and music accompaniment clearly reflect the idea and concept of local wisdom as an alternative trend and solution in the global era. One of the key points for the success of Jampi Gugat is related to the campaign strategy regarding the media market in Indonesia, the world's third largest democracy and a developing country that tends to prioritize political-economy development rather than art and culture, including dance. Hence, the involvement of stakeholders: government, event organizers, artists, and communities, as well as their interaction, to formulate and deliver some value to society are deemed essential to create a sustainable cultural movement.

scholarly journals The Political Economy of Ivory as a “Conflict Resource”

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natasha White
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Central Africa ◽  
Policy Discourse ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Opportunity Costs ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Media

The past year has seen attention directed, both in policy discourse and the media, towards the implication of Central African non-state armed groups in poaching and ivory trafficking. Engaging with both mainstream political economy analyses and work on the “geographies of resource wars,” this paper turns to the case of ivory as a “conflict resource,” through the case study of the Lord’s Resistance Army. It begins by outlining the contextual specificities and conditions of access, before assessing the compatibility of the resource’s biophysical, spatial and material characteristics with the needs of regional armed groups and the LRA in particular. Though the direction of causality is difficult to untangle, the paper finds that poaching and the trade in ivory by armed groups in Central Africa appears to incur low opportunity costs for relatively high potential gains. Moreover, that ivory qualifies as a “conflict resource” under Le Billon’s (2008) definition in the extent to which it is likely to be implicated in the duration of conflict in the region, both financing and benefitting from a context of insecurity. Future research would benefit from more accessible and robust data; interesting avenues would include an evaluation of the effects of the increasing militarization of poaching strategies - including shoot-to-kill policies - and the potential of igniting grievance-based conflict.

scholarly journals How Less Alienation Creates More Exploitation? Audience Labour on Social Network Sites.

2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eran Fisher
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Social Network ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Social Network Sites ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The Media ◽  
A Site

Abstract: The notion of audience labour has been an important contribution to Marxist political economy of the media. It revised the traditional political economy analysis, which focused on media ownership, by suggesting that media was also a site of production, constituting particular relations of production. Such analysis highlighted the active role of audience in the creation of media value as both commodities and workers, thus pointing to audience exploitation. Recently, in light of paradigmatic transformations in the media environment – particularly the emergence of Web 2.0 and social network sites – there has been a renewed interest in such analysis, and a reexamination of audience exploitation. Focusing on Facebook as a case-study, this article examines audience labour on social network sites along two Marxist themes – exploitation and alienation. It argues for a historical shift in the link between exploitation and alienation of audience labour, concurrent with the shift from mass media to social media. In the mass media, the capacity for exploitation of audience labour was quite limited while the alienation that such work created was high. In contrast, social media allows for the expansion and intensification of exploitation. Simultaneously, audience labour on social media – because it involves communication and sociability – also ameliorates alienation by allowing self-expression, authenticity, and relations with others. Moreover, the article argues that the political economy of social network sites is founded on a dialectical link between exploitation and alienation: in order to be de-alienated, Facebook users must communicate and socialize, thus exacerbating their exploitation. And vice-versa, in order for Facebook to exploit the work of its users, it must contribute to their de-alienation.

scholarly journals How Less Alienation Creates More Exploitation? Audience Labour on Social Network Sites.

2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-183
Author(s):  
Eran Fisher
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Social Network ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Social Network Sites ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The Media ◽  
A Site

Abstract: The notion of audience labour has been an important contribution to Marxist political economy of the media. It revised the traditional political economy analysis, which focused on media ownership, by suggesting that media was also a site of production, constituting particular relations of production. Such analysis highlighted the active role of audience in the creation of media value as both commodities and workers, thus pointing to audience exploitation. Recently, in light of paradigmatic transformations in the media environment – particularly the emergence of Web 2.0 and social network sites – there has been a renewed interest in such analysis, and a reexamination of audience exploitation. Focusing on Facebook as a case-study, this article examines audience labour on social network sites along two Marxist themes – exploitation and alienation. It argues for a historical shift in the link between exploitation and alienation of audience labour, concurrent with the shift from mass media to social media. In the mass media, the capacity for exploitation of audience labour was quite limited while the alienation that such work created was high. In contrast, social media allows for the expansion and intensification of exploitation. Simultaneously, audience labour on social media – because it involves communication and sociability – also ameliorates alienation by allowing self-expression, authenticity, and relations with others. Moreover, the article argues that the political economy of social network sites is founded on a dialectical link between exploitation and alienation: in order to be de-alienated, Facebook users must communicate and socialize, thus exacerbating their exploitation. And vice-versa, in order for Facebook to exploit the work of its users, it must contribute to their de-alienation.

scholarly journals The contestation of cultural claims in online media between Malaysia and Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 344
Author(s):  
Deddy Mulyana ◽  
Albert Yaputra
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Online Media ◽  
Cultural Issues ◽  
Case Study Approach ◽  
Study Approach ◽  
The Social ◽  
Art And Culture ◽  
The Media ◽  
Independence Era

The dynamics of Indonesia-Malaysia relations are influenced by the political growth of the two countries. Since the beginning of the Independence Era, there have been many ups and downs between the two countries. The recent ‘conflict’ centred on cultural issues, more specifically on the claims of certain cultural features such as songs, dances, batik, and cuisine. This study explained the reality of online media development in both countries, especially those related to Indonesian culture in Malaysia. This research used qualitative methods with a case study approach. Data were collected through interview, observation, and study of literature techniques. The results revealed that the construction of reality presented by the media was generally only seen from an Indonesian perspective, not much from a Malaysian perspective. Although the social reality of Malaysia’s ‘cultural claims’ did not reflect the thinking of all Indonesians, this conflict was actually driven more by a small group of Indonesians whose loyalty is unclear. Unlike the Indonesian media, Malaysian media did not consider art and culture originating from Indonesia as an important issue. So, the problem was not widely reported. Malaysian media believed that Indonesian media was exaggerating the fact and that it was only in the interest of the mass media to find exciting news to publish.

Lord Dacre and the Politics of the Scottish Enlightenment

2005 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Kidd
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
Economic Transformation ◽  
Scottish Enlightenment ◽  
North East ◽  
The Social ◽  
Romantic Movement ◽  
Scottish History

Hugh Trevor-Roper (Lord Dacre) made several iconoclastic interventions in the field of Scottish history. These earned him a notoriety in Scottish circles which, while not undeserved, has led to the reductive dismissal of Trevor-Roper's ideas, particularly his controversial interpretation of the Scottish Enlightenment, as the product of Scotophobia. In their indignation Scottish historians have missed the wider issues which prompted Trevor-Roper's investigation of the Scottish Enlightenment as a fascinating case study in European cultural history. Notably, Trevor-Roper used the example of Scotland to challenge Weberian-inspired notions of Puritan progressivism, arguing instead that the Arminian culture of north-east Scotland had played a disproportionate role in the rise of the Scottish Enlightenment. Indeed, working on the assumption that the essence of Enlightenment was its assault on clerical bigotry, Trevor-Roper sought the roots of the Scottish Enlightenment in Jacobitism, the counter-cultural alternative to post-1690 Scotland's Calvinist Kirk establishment. Though easily misconstrued as a dogmatic conservative, Trevor-Roper flirted with Marxisant sociology, not least in his account of the social underpinnings of the Scottish Enlightenment. Trevor-Roper argued that it was the rapidity of eighteenth-century Scotland's social and economic transformation which had produced in one generation a remarkable body of political economy conceptualising social change, and in the next a romantic movement whose powers of nostalgic enchantment were felt across the breadth of Europe.

IMAGE OF THE REPUBLIC OF MORDOVIA IN THE MEDIA VOLGA FEDERAL DISTRICT (BASED ON CONTENT ANALYSIS OF NEWS PUBLICATIONS)

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 44-52
Author(s):  
LARISA ZAITSEVA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Information Content ◽  
Federal District ◽  
Information Space ◽  
Political News ◽  
Social Sphere ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Number Of Publications

The territorial image is formed both purposefully by the subjects of image-making, and spontaneously-based on the influence of information content published in various media. The purpose of the research is to analyze the image of the Republic of Mordovia in the information space of the Volga Federal district. The image of the territory formed by external target audiences by means of news materials is studied using the method of case study and content analysis of publications: “Volga news”, “Federal Press” news of the PFD, “Pravda PFD”. The authors conclude that modern reality is perceived through the prism of the information field created by mass media. The media creates images filled with certain data, facts, colored by emotions, on the basis of which representations, opinions, judgments, and assessments are subsequently formed. The media play a significant role in shaping the territorial image, especially for external target audiences who are not familiar with the region and do not have their own assessment knowledge and experience. Most of the information content about the Republic in the studied media is related to the main thematic blocks: politics, economy, social sphere, culture (art, sports). Moreover, if in the publications “Volga news” and “Pravda PFD” mention of the region prevails in the economic block, then in the publications “Federal Press” and “Nezavisimaya Gazeta” - in the political one. The Volga news publication significantly dominates the rest in terms of the number of publications about Mordovia. The content of publications is mostly positive and neutral related to the issues of economic development of the territory and the preparation and holding of the world football championship. Pravda PFD mentions the Republic in the context of news from neighboring territories, most of the publications date back to 2018, but here the context is related to the Republic's positions among the regions of the PFD in various ratings. The publication “Federal-Press” forms a generally reflective image of the territory, focusing on the negative aspects of regional life. “Nezavisimaya Gazeta”, giving priority to political news, maintains a neutral and reflective context of publications, paying attention to the key problems of the territory. Thus, the desired image of the region is counter-dictated to the image broadcast by the media through various information channels, so it is necessary to constantly monitor the information space and timely correction of the broadcast materials.

Context Mediated

2017 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-63
Author(s):  
Benjamin Pickford
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Ralph Waldo Emerson ◽  
Literary Text ◽  
Literary Studies ◽  
Economic Relation ◽  
Economic Agency

Benjamin Pickford, “Context Mediated: Ralph Waldo Emerson’s Political Economy of Plagiarism” (pp. 35–63) Context has long been a critical determiner of methodologies for literary studies, granting scholars the tools to make objective claims about a text’s political or economic relation to the situation of its genesis. This essay argues that Ralph Waldo Emerson anticipatively criticizes our commitment to such practices through his use of plagiarism—a literary mode that exemplifies the denial of the sovereignty of context. I focus on two core principles that underlie Emerson’s conception of literature’s civic role in Essays: Second Series (1844): first, that literature is driven by an impulse to decontextualize; second, that this means that it has a deep affinity with the deterritorializing logic of capital. Provocatively proposing Emerson as a theorist of the relation between literature and economics, I argue that Essays: Second Series shows how the literary text can negotiate its ineluctable culpability with capitalism, but this does not mean that it can presume to possess a privileged point of vantage that might deny such culpability. Given that this is precisely what much historicizing or contextualizing scholarship implies, I contend that Emerson gives us a case study in the limits of literature and criticism’s economic agency.

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