“Safariland”: Tourism, Development and the Marketing of Kenya in the Post-Colonial World

2018 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devin Smart

Abstract:This article explores the role of tourism in the development plans of Kenya during the 1960s and 1970s, examining what this reveals about the new opportunities and constrictions that officials encountered as they tried to globally reconfigure the place of their new decolonizing nation in the post-colonial world. These themes are explored by examining the political economy of development and tourism, the marketing infrastructures that Kenyan officials created to shape how Western consumers thought about “Kenya,” and how these factors influenced the kinds of discourses that were promoted globally about this newly-independent African country.

1984 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 191-208
Author(s):  
Daniel N. Nelson

AbstractAlthough Moscow's security interests define the limits of foreign policy behavior and domestic liberalization in Eastern Europe. American relations with communist Europe in the 1960s and 1970s differentiated between and among member states of the Warsaw Pact. A policy of differential relations with communist Europe is a policy of sensitivity to complexity—to the differences between, for example, the role of Romania vis-à-vis the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in the Warsaw Pact. A finely tuned foreign policy requires such sensitivity to avoid broad and erroneous categorizations that portray American international views as irretrievably simple. Were we to distance ourselves as far from Bucharest as from Moscow, we would be ignoring the qualities that led to visits by Presidents Nixon and Ford to Bucharest and which encouraged Most Favored Nation (MFN) status for Romania. A policy which distinguishes among communist states and leaders contrasts with the simplistic view that Soviet manipulation is total, and rejects the dichotomy that East Europeans are either puppets or national patriots, with no choice between. The political worlds of leaders and citizens in these states are much more complex, and we require a policy premised on such complexity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-146
Author(s):  
Nicolas Guilhot

This article questions the current vogue of Carl Schmitt among political theorists who read him as an antidote to the depoliticizing force of economics and technology in the age of neoliberalism and its algorithmic rationalities. It takes Schmitt’s sparse reflections about cybernetics and game theory as paradigmatic of the theoretical and political problems raised by any theory positing the autonomy of the political. It suggests that this ultimately misunderstands the role of cybernetic representations of political decision-making in shoring up in the 1960s and 1970s the autonomy of the political that Schmitt so vehemently defended.


In 1984, Pranab Bardhan published his classic work The Political Economy of Development in India. It went on to become one of the most influential references on the political economy of development in the pre-reform period of independent India. Class and Conflict reflects on the enduring influence of Bardhan’s original publication in the context of post-liberalization developments in India. Drawing on their own world-leading research, the contributors to this volume engage with a wide range of issues, such as whether big business dominates India today, how subsidies retard economic growth, and how the middle classes are transforming politics. Together they try to answer the big question: what has really changed in the political and economic climate of the country over the last 30 years? Exploring the continuities and changes that have characterized India’s political economy since 1984, this volume takes stock of the main challenges of India’s economic development today. It contributes to current debates on economic growth, crony capitalism, agrarian crisis, the politics of class and caste, and the role of the state in a liberalizing economy.


2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 200-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis Hyman

Today, in the aftermath of the subprime crisis, there is a foreboding sense that it is too easy for Americans to borrow. Living beyond our means on our cards and our mortgages, Americans borrowed at an unsustainable pace, and what put us here, the logic goes, was the unfortunate collision of lenders' greed and borrower's cupidity. Yet free-for-all borrowing defined another moment's economy as well, but without the ill consequences: the postwar period. After World War II, cheap credit underpinned the suburban prosperity, through government-insured loans, auto financing, and even department store Charga-Plates.


Author(s):  
Mfote David

The role of political economy in agriculture resurfaced with the 1980s economic reforms as development practitioners sought to roll back the state in supporting the sector. Despite development efforts by the international community to support agriculture, the sector continues to experience low growth, market and policy failures preventing it from significantly contributing to rural poverty eradication and foster widespread social development and economic growth. The research article reviews the role of politics in agricultural policymaking with emphasis on Sub Saharan Africa. The desk study reviewed secondary literature from pre and post-colonial period, from scholars in the field of political economy in the agriculture sector. The political economy of agricultural policymaking has significant impact on economic development and change in both developed and developing countries. Mixed development outcomes continue to be experienced especially in Sub Saharan Africa, and this calls for critical analysis of the political economy to have a clear understanding of the political and economic process. Future analysis should use scientific evidence to focus on the role of political leadership in Government and State Houses in agricultural policymaking comparing countries with similar characteristics


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.


Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


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