The incumbency disadvantage in South Korean National Assembly elections: Evidence from a regression discontinuity approach

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 ◽  
pp. 112-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jungho Roh
Keyword(s):  
Regression Discontinuity ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Incumbency Disadvantage

scholarly journals From the history of uzbek-korean educational relations

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (7/S) ◽  
pp. 168-171
Author(s):  
Fazilat Nurmetova
Keyword(s):  
Detailed Analysis ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Republic Of Korea ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Further Development

This article provides a detailed analysis of the history of Uzbek-Korean educational relations in the Commonwealth and its further development with the help of Internet data and sources. Research also gives latest information about the head of state also met with the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Korea and took part in the Uzbek-South Korean business forum with the participation of leaders of leading economic and financial structures of the two countries.

South Korea's leader may be less secure than he looks

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Content Type ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Approval Rating ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Ruling Party

Subject The strengths and weaknesses of South Korea's president and ruling party. Significance President Moon Jae-in's approval rating was 79% as of June 14, a record for any South Korean president after a year in office. His left-of-centre ruling Democratic Party (DP) won an unprecedented landslide in nationwide local elections on June 13; it now runs 14 of the 17 provinces and major cities. The party also won eleven of twelve National Assembly by-elections, gaining eight. He now faces no electoral tests until the next parliamentary elections, due in April 2020. Impacts Political party regroupings are likely, with possible mergers consolidating both the left and right. The short-term prospects for inter-Korean engagement appear good. The main risks regarding North Korea are US President Donald Trump’s unpredictability and uncertainty over Pyongyang's ultimate aims.

How Ideology Divides Generations: The 2002 and 2004 South Korean Elections

2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 461-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Won-Taek Kang
Keyword(s):  
Generational Differences ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Generation Gap ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Interesting Phenomenon ◽  
Young Voters ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Libertarian View

Abstract. An interesting phenomenon in recent South Korean electoral politics is the generation gap. In the 2002 presidential and the 2004 National Assembly elections, voting behaviour was sharply split between different age groups. A main question of this article is to figure out the underlying characteristics of the generational differences in the two elections and of the ideological division in the South Korean context. Findings show that the generation gap reflects different assessments of the authoritarian period and its inheritance. Young voters took a libertarian view and a negative assessment of the authoritarian era, while older voters, especially in their fifties and older, had a positive attitude toward the authoritarian legacies. Roh Moo-hyun's victory was largely attributed to his successful mobilization of young voters' generational rebellion.Résumé. Un des phénomènes intéressants dans la vie politique électorale sud-coréenne concerne les différences de générations. Les groupes d'âge différents ont montré un comportement électoral différencié dans les élections présidentielles de 2002 et les législatives de 2004. L'interrogation majeure de cet article est de trouver les principales caractéristiques des différences générationnelles dans les deux élections, ainsi que les clivages idéologiques dans le contexte sud-coréen. Les résultats de cette étude montrent que les différences générationnelles reflètent celles du jugement sur la période du régime autoritaire et de ses héritages. Les jeunes électeurs possèdent une vision libertaire et un jugement négatif sur la période du régime autoritaire, tandis que les électeurs plus âgés, notamment ceux qui ont plus de 50 ans, font preuve d'une attitude positive sur les héritages de la période autoritaire. La victoire de Roh Moo-hyun s'explique en grande partie par la mobilisation réussie de la révolte générationnelle de jeunes électeurs.

PRESIDENTIALIZATION AND PROCEDURAL RULES CHANGE: THE CASE OF THE SOUTH KOREAN NATIONAL ASSEMBLY

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-129
Author(s):  
Hojun Lee
Keyword(s):  
Legislative Politics ◽  
Presidential Candidate ◽  
The South ◽  
Majority Party ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Electoral Incentives ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Procedural Reform ◽  
Rules Changes

AbstractThe common assumption of legislative politics is that the majority party structures procedural rules to suit its interests. In a presidentialized context, however, presidential electoral incentives prevail over majority party's incentives when voting on procedural rules changes and the threat of punishing majority-party defectors is not credible when those defectors vote with the presidential candidate. To test these claims, I analyze the case of the procedural reform in the South Korean National Assembly. The case study reveals that 1) the leading presidential candidate of the ruling majority Saenuri Party compromised on the procedural reform bill that imposes restrictions on the majority party's cartel arrangement due to presidential electoral incentives; 2) a significant number of Saenuri Party members defected from the majority of their co-partisans to vote with the presidential candidate; and 3) career advancement ratio and re-nomination ratios demonstrate that those defectors were not punished afterwards.

scholarly journals “Spoon Theory” and the Fall of a Populist Princess in Seoul

2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 839-849 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyejin Kim
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Criminal Investigation ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
South Korean ◽  
The Subject

On December 9, 2016, South Korea's National Assembly voted to impeach the country's president, Park Geun-hye, over abuse of power among other charges. Three months later, the Constitutional Court upheld the impeachment and she was dismissed from office—the first South Korean president to be removed this way. New elections were called. Park was then made the subject of a criminal investigation and jailed for the trial. The allegations center on Park's relationship with an old family friend, Ch'oe Sun-sil, who became involved in official decision-making and used her influence to extract funds from businesses, but the scandal widened to involve more individuals.

Incumbency, Parties, and Legislatures: Theory and Evidence from India

2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-331
Author(s):  
Alexander Lee
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Regression Discontinuity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regression Discontinuity Design ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
And Control ◽  
Incumbency Disadvantage

Incumbent legislators in some developing countries are often thought to face an electoral disadvantage relative to challengers. This article traces this effect to high levels of centralization within the political parties and governments of these countries. In political systems dominated by party leaders, legislators face substantial formal and informal constraints on their ability to influence policy, stake positions, and control patronage, which in turn reduce their ability to build up personal votes. This theory is tested on a dataset of Indian national elections since 1977, using a regression discontinuity design to measure the effects of incumbency. Candidates less affected by centralization-those from less-centralized political parties and from parties not affected by restrictions on free parliamentary voting - have a low or non-existent incumbency disadvantage.

scholarly journals Legislative Voting Behaviour in the Regional Party System: An Analysis of Roll-Call Votes in the South Korean National Assembly, 2000–8

2015 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jae Hyeok Shin ◽  
Hojun Lee
Keyword(s):  
Socioeconomic Status ◽  
Party System ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Legislative Voting ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Party Members ◽  
The Republic ◽  
To Receive

This article explores legislative voting behaviour in the regional party system where electoral competition is based primarily on geographic divisions instead of national public policies. An analysis of roll-call votes in the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea from 2000 to 2008 reveals that in the regionalized context, legislative voting unity is high because legislators are disciplined to receive endorsement from their regional champion party. Those legislators are far more disciplined when voting on pork legislation. Nonetheless, as the socioeconomic status of constituents rises and the constituents thus care more about policy than pork, then opposition legislators tend to vote against their parties more often. Conversely, governing-party members are more disciplined to pass bills where voters often desire policy over pork. This study suggests a powerful interaction between party affiliations and voter demands as a dominant electoral strategic tool in the regional party system.

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