The majority vote rule and runoff primaries in the United States

2008 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard L. Engstrom ◽  
Richard N. Engstrom
2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-128

On October 3, 2019, the United States and the United Kingdom reached a bilateral agreement to facilitate more efficient data access between the two countries for law enforcement purposes. The Agreement on Access to Electronic Data for the Purpose of Countering Serious Crime (U.S.-UK Data Access Agreement) was signed by U.S. Attorney General William Barr and UK Home Secretary Priti Patel. This is the first such agreement made by the United States after the passage of the 2018 Clarifying Lawful Overseas Use of Data (CLOUD) Act, which authorizes and structures future bilateral agreements on data sharing. Pursuant to the CLOUD Act, Congress has 180 days following receipt of a notification regarding the U.S.-UK Data Access Agreement to block its entry into force via a joint resolution, which would require a majority vote in both houses of Congress and either presidential signature or a subsequent congressional override of a presidential veto.


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maroula Khraiche

This paper evaluates the optimality of a temporary worker permit policy from the point of view of the host country by using a two-country dynamic general equilibrium model, calibrated with data from the United States and Mexico. In the model, the decision to migrate and the corresponding decision to return are endogenous and take place within families that are heterogeneous in terms of human capital. After finding a migrant's optimal migration duration and the resulting shrinkage in the wage gap and change in interest rates, the paper derives the restriction on migrants' stay that maximizes natives' utility. It also derives the migrant length of stay that would pass a majority vote. When migration duration is restricted, the fraction of the native population made better off is maximized with a permit length of four years.


2021 ◽  
pp. 63-90
Author(s):  
Charles S. Bullock ◽  
Karen L. Owen

Georgia requires a majority vote to win a special election. Had a candidate in the April jungle primary polled a majority, that would have sufficed. But no candidate won outright, so the top two finishers, Democrat Jon Ossoff and Republican Karen Handel, advanced to a runoff held nine weeks later. Chapter 3 details each campaign’s activities and the substantial sums of money infused into the contest, making it the most expensive House race in the United States. Yet, in the end even with the initial electoral vote and fundraising advantages to Ossoff, significant voter turnout, and what many believed a divided and disgruntled GOP, the contest became largely a standard partisan face-off.


1990 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 341-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sally Morphet

IntroductionThe aim of this paper is to look at the United Nations Security Council and certain of the 646 resolutions and 232 public vetoes (vetoing 192 draft resolutions) cast between 1946 and the end of 1989, and to discover in what ways both it and they have been legally and politically relevant and significant. Security Council resolutions are, of course, passed by majority vote. This had to be 7 out of 11 votes until the end of 1965 when the Council was enlarged from 11 to 15. Security Council resolutions have had since then to be passed by at least 9 votes: these can only be vetoed by the five Permanent Members (the United States, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, France and China) if the resolution would otherwise have been passed. By the end of 1989 the veto total for each Permanent Member (the Peoples Republic of China took over the China seat in 1971) was as follows: Soviet Union 114; United States 67; United Kingdom 30; France 18 and China 3.


Author(s):  
Marshall D. Nickles ◽  
Jeffrey Schieberl

This paper addresses the concern the authors have regarding the speculative nature of shadow banking in the United States and China in particular. There appears to be ample evidence that shadow banking in the United States was a major contributor to the speculation that led up to the 2008 - 2010 financial crisis. The same type of speculation was also responsible for the U.S. stock market collapse of 1929. During the 1930s the Glass-Steagall Act was enacted to address the potential conflict of interest between commercial and investment banking activities. This Act was altered in the 1990s by a majority vote in Congress. Some believe that this partial gutting of the Glass-Steagall Act contributed to Americas unregulated shadow banking activities and real estate speculation that followed. At present Chinas shadow banking sector is following a similar speculative path that the United States did about seven years ago. A difference is that Chinas commercial and shadow banking systems are absent of many of the mechanisms that allowed the U.S. to regulate its way out of Americas financial crisis. This paper compares past and current U.S. and Chinese shadow banking activities and draws conclusions relative to certain sectors in the Chinese economy that are overheated and primed for economic difficulties that could have global implications.


Author(s):  
A. Hakam ◽  
J.T. Gau ◽  
M.L. Grove ◽  
B.A. Evans ◽  
M. Shuman ◽  
...  

Prostate adenocarcinoma is the most common malignant tumor of men in the United States and is the third leading cause of death in men. Despite attempts at early detection, there will be 244,000 new cases and 44,000 deaths from the disease in the United States in 1995. Therapeutic progress against this disease is hindered by an incomplete understanding of prostate epithelial cell biology, the availability of human tissues for in vitro experimentation, slow dissemination of information between prostate cancer research teams and the increasing pressure to “ stretch” research dollars at the same time staff reductions are occurring.To meet these challenges, we have used the correlative microscopy (CM) and client/server (C/S) computing to increase productivity while decreasing costs. Critical elements of our program are as follows:1) Establishing the Western Pennsylvania Genitourinary (GU) Tissue Bank which includes >100 prostates from patients with prostate adenocarcinoma as well as >20 normal prostates from transplant organ donors.


Author(s):  
Vinod K. Berry ◽  
Xiao Zhang

In recent years it became apparent that we needed to improve productivity and efficiency in the Microscopy Laboratories in GE Plastics. It was realized that digital image acquisition, archiving, processing, analysis, and transmission over a network would be the best way to achieve this goal. Also, the capabilities of quantitative image analysis, image transmission etc. available with this approach would help us to increase our efficiency. Although the advantages of digital image acquisition, processing, archiving, etc. have been described and are being practiced in many SEM, laboratories, they have not been generally applied in microscopy laboratories (TEM, Optical, SEM and others) and impact on increased productivity has not been yet exploited as well.In order to attain our objective we have acquired a SEMICAPS imaging workstation for each of the GE Plastic sites in the United States. We have integrated the workstation with the microscopes and their peripherals as shown in Figure 1.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.


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