When Anaphor Resolution Fails

2000 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 594-617 ◽  
Author(s):  
William H Levine ◽  
Alexandria E Guzmán ◽  
Celia M Klin
Keyword(s):  
Anaphor Resolution

When Does Anaphor Resolution Fail?

2000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Celia M. Klin ◽  
Alexandria E. Guzman ◽  
Kristin M. Weingartner ◽  
William M. Levine
Keyword(s):  
Anaphor Resolution

A Fan Effect in Anaphor Resolution

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin S. Autry ◽  
William H. Levine
Keyword(s):  
Anaphor Resolution ◽  
Fan Effect

scholarly journals Working memory, reading ability and the effects of distance and typicality on anaphor resolution in children

2015 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 622-639 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holly S. S. L. Joseph ◽  
Georgina Bremner ◽  
Simon P. Liversedge ◽  
Kate Nation
Keyword(s):  
Working Memory ◽  
Reading Ability ◽  
Anaphor Resolution

The structure of situation models as revealed by anaphor resolution

2019 ◽  
Vol 72 ◽  
pp. 104-115
Author(s):  
Sashank Varma ◽  
Amanda Janssen
Keyword(s):  
Situation Models ◽  
Anaphor Resolution

scholarly journals Anaphora: Text-based or discourse-dependent?

2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Cornish
Keyword(s):  
Dynamic Interaction ◽  
Discourse Representation ◽  
Computational Approaches ◽  
Anaphor Resolution ◽  
Language Structure ◽  
Traditional Definition ◽  
On Line ◽  
Full Sense ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Sense And Reference

The traditional definition of anaphora in purely co-textual terms as a relation between two co-occurring expressions is in wide currency in theoretical and descriptive studies of the phenomenon. Indeed, it is currently adopted in on-line psycholinguistic experiments on the interpretation of anaphors, and is the basis for all computational approaches to automatic anaphor resolution (see Mitkov 2002). Under this conception, the anaphor, a referentially-dependent expression type, requires “saturation” by an appropriate referentially-autonomous, lexically-based expression — the antecedent — in order to achieve full sense and reference. However, this definition needs to be re-examined in the light of the ways in which real texts operate and are understood, where the resulting picture is rather different. The article aims to show that the co-textual conception is misconceived, and that anaphora is essentially an integrative, discourse-creating procedure involving a three-way relationship between an “antecedent trigger”, an anaphoric predication, and a salient discourse representation. It is shown that it is only in terms of a dynamic interaction amongst the interdependent dimensions of text and discourse, as well as context, that the true complexity of anaphoric reference may be satisfactorily described. The article is intended as a contribution to the broader debate within the pages of this journal and elsewhere between the formalist and the functionalist accounts of language structure and use.

Isolating stereotypical gender in a grammatical gender language: Evidence from eye movements

2014 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 977-1006 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHIARA REALI ◽  
YULIA ESAULOVA ◽  
LISA VON STOCKHAUSEN
Keyword(s):  
Eye Movements ◽  
Grammatical Gender ◽  
Gender Typicality ◽  
Gender Attitude ◽  
Anaphor Resolution ◽  
Priming Paradigm ◽  
Anaphoric Pronoun ◽  
Attitude Measures ◽  
Reliable Correlation ◽  
Mismatch Effect

ABSTRACTThe present study investigates the effects of stereotypical gender during anaphor resolution in German. The study aims at isolating the effects of gender-stereotypical cues from the effects of grammatical gender. Experiment 1 employs descriptions of typically male, female, and neutral occupations that contain no grammatical cue to the referent gender, followed by a masculine or feminine role noun, in a reaction time priming paradigm. Experiment 2 uses eye-tracking methodology to examine how the gender typicality of these descriptions affects the resolution of a matching or mismatching anaphoric pronoun. Results show a mismatch effect manifest at very early stages of processing. Both experiments also reveal asymmetries in the processing of the two genders suggesting that the representation of female rather than male referents is more flexible in counterstereotypical contexts. No systematic relation is found between eye movements and individual gender attitude measures, whereas a reliable correlation is found with gender typicality ratings.

The time course of long-distance anaphor processing in Korean

2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chung-hye Han ◽  
Dennis Ryan Storoshenko ◽  
Betty Hei Man Leung ◽  
Kyeong-min Kim
Keyword(s):  
Time Course ◽  
Subject Position ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Null Pronouns ◽  
Anaphor Resolution ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Null Pronoun ◽  
Matrix Verb ◽  
Matrix Subject

While early studies on the Korean long distance anaphor caki describe it to be subject-oriented in that it can only take subject antecedents, similarly to long distance anaphors in many other languages, more recent studies observe that it can take non-subject antecedents as well, especially in the context of certain verbs. This paper presents a visual-world eye-tracking study that tested whether the antecedent potential of caki in an embedded subject position is a function of the matrix subject, the matrix verb, or both, and whether the subject and the verb effects constrain the interpretation of caki in the same way as null pronouns, a commonly used pronominal form in Korean. These questions were addressed through an investigation of how the subject effect and the verb effect were manifested in processing these pronouns. We found that when caki, but not null pronouns, was first processed, there were more fixations to the images representing the matrix subject than the images representing the matrix object regardless of the matrix verb. We further found that the proportions of fixations to the images in both caki and null trials changed after the processing of some sentential verbs. These findings demonstrate that while null pronoun interpretation is a function of the verb effect only, caki-interpretation is a function of both the subject and the verb effect, supporting a multiple-constraints approach to anaphor resolution.

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