From the Second Constitution to World War I, the Political Activities of the Imperialist European Countries in the Ottoman Arab Provinces

2012 ◽  
Vol Volume 4 Issue 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 95 - 111
Author(s):  
Sinan Marufoğlu
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Activities

scholarly journals Hürriyete ve Adli Tıbba Adanmış Bir Ömür: Dr. Bahaeddin Şakir Bey / A Life Dedicated to Liberty and Forensic Medicine: Dr. Bahaeddin Şakir Bey

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 666
Author(s):  
Ferat Buran ◽  
Erdem Özkara
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
World War I ◽  
Forensic Medicine ◽  
Military Medicine ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Associate Dean ◽  
Breaking Points

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Dr. Bahaeddin Şakir Bey (1874-1922) was a forensic medicine specialist in addition to being an important political figure who worked in critical positions in breaking points of the whole world history. He later had to go to Paris because of the political activities he attended since the days he studied in The Faculty of Military Medicine. As he completed his forensic medicine specialization in Paris Faculty of Medicine, the Young Turks movement abroad gained a certain momentum with his arrival.</p><p>He returned to Istanbul after the proclamation of constitutional monarchy and while he was teaching forensic medicine and working as associate dean in the faculty of medicine, he wrote Textbook of Forensic Medicine which is the first copyrighted work in forensic medicine field in our country. He was assigned as the first director of Legal Medicine Directorate. He also worked as the head physician in Red Crescent Hospital in Edirne during the Balkan War.</p><p>He worked in top-level tasks in Party of Union and Progress which was a remarkable party in its period and the political intelligence organization of the period The Special Organization. He also played an active role in the independence of provinces while working in the Caucasian Front in World War I. In addition to being the originator of "Armenian Deportation", he played a role in; its planning during his visits to the eastern cities.</p><p>After World War I, he had to go abroad and was sentenced to death in his absence. His activities attracted attention and he was invited to the Congress of the Peoples of the East of the Soviet Union. After he was killed by an Armenian assassin in Berlin in 1922, Atatürk protected his wife and children in personally and didn't refrain his support and help.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Dr. Bahaeddin Şakir Bey (1874-1922); sadece ülkemiz değil, dünya tarihi açısından da kırılma noktası olan dönemlerde, kritik görevlerde bulunmuş önemli bir siyasi figür olması yanında adli tıp uzmanı bir hekimdir. Mekteb-i Tıbbiye-i Askeriye’deki öğrencilik yıllarından itibaren içinde bulunduğu siyasal faaliyetleri nedeniyle, sonradan Paris’e gitmek zorunda kalmıştır. Bir yandan Paris Tıp Fakültesi’nde adli tıp ihtisasını tamamlarken, yurtdışındaki Jön Türk hareketi de onun gelişiyle birlikte belirgin ivme kazanmıştır.</p><p>Meşrutiyetin ilanından sonra İstanbul’a dönmüş, tıp fakültesindeki adli tıp hocalığı ile dekan yardımcılığı görevleri sırasında ülkemizdeki adli tıp alanında ilk telif eser olan “Tıbb-i Kanuni Dersleri” kitabını yazmıştır. Kendisinin ayrıca, taşraya atanan hekimlere yönelik rehber niteliğinde yazmış olduğu bir kitap ile ölüm olgusunu işlediği bir başka adli tıp kitabı da mevcuttur. Günümüzdeki Adli Tıp Kurumu’nun ilk nüvesi olarak kurulan “Tababet-i Adliye Şubesi”nin ilk müdürü olarak atanmıştır. Hilal-i Ahmer Cemiyeti’nin yeniden organizasyonunda ve Balkan Savaşı sırasında Edirne’deki Hilal-i Ahmer Hastanesi başhekimliği görevinde bulunarak, tıp alanındaki katkılarını akademi ile sınırlı tutmamıştır.</p><p>Bir döneme damgasını vuran “İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti”nde ve dönemin siyasal istihbarat örgütü “Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa”da üst düzey görevlerde bulunmuş, 1. Dünya Savaşı’nda Kafkas Cephesi’nde görev alarak; Artvin, Ardanuş ile Ardahan’ın kurtuluşunda bizzat rol oynamıştır. “Ermeni Tehciri”nin fikri ideoloğu olması yanında, doğu vilayetlerine giderek bizzat planlanmasında rol almıştır.</p><p>1. Dünya Savaşı’nın ardından yurtdışına çıkmak zorunda kalmış, gıyabında idama mahkum edilmiştir. Yurtdışındayken sürdürdüğü, Müslüman milletlerin mücadelesine dair faaliyetleri ilgi çekmiş ve Sovyetler Birliği’nin Doğu Halkları Kurultayı’na davet edilmiştir. 1922 yılında Berlin’de Ermeni bir suikastçı tarafından öldürülmesi sonrasında, Atatürk; eşi ve çocuklarına bizzat sahip çıkmış, desteğini ve yardımlarını esirgememiştir.</p>

Germany 1914–1918. Total War as a Catalyst of Change

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Ziemann
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
First World War ◽  
European History ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Total War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

It is a commonplace to see the First World War as a major caesura in German and European history. This article records the war years from 1914–1918 in Germany. Not least, such an interpretation can rely on the perceptions of influential contemporary observers. In Germany, as in other belligerent countries, many artists, intellectuals, and academics experienced the outbreak of the war as a cathartic moment. While it is straightforward to see the mobilization for war and violence as a major caesura for any of the belligerent countries, it is much more complicated to account for causalities and for German peculiarities. Difficult methodological questions arise, which have not always been properly addressed. While Germany was facing a ‘world of enemies’, as a popular slogan suggested, the semantics of the political shifted to an articulation of emotions, excitements, and promises, contributing to a dramatized narrative centered around the notions of sacrifice and fate. The effect of World War I concludes the article.

The Shaping of a Nation: Palestinians in the Last Century of Ottoman Rule

1994 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 75-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel S. Migdal ◽  
Baruch Kimmerling
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Social Boundaries ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
British Mandate ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
British Rule ◽  
Political Boundaries ◽  
History Of

No period was more decisive in the modern history of Palestine than the British Mandate, which lasted from the end of World War I until 1948. Not only did British rule establish the political boundaries of Palestine, the new realities forced both Jews and Arabs in the country to redefine their social boundaries and self-identity. But the cataclysmic events that continued through 1948, with the creation of Israel and what Arabs called al-Nakba (the catastrophe of dispersal and exile), took shape in the wake of key changes stretching over the last century of Ottoman rule. What was to be Palestine after World War I became increasingly more integrated territorially during the nineteenth century. And Arab society in the last century of Ottoman rule underwent critical changes that paved the way for the emergence of a Palestinian people in the twentieth century.

scholarly journals Seas No Longer Divide

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-72
Author(s):  
Simon Moorhead
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
World War ◽  
Telecommunications Network ◽  
Historic Paper

A three-part historic paper by Alan Tulip in the Telecommunication Journal of Australia in 1988 describes the political campaign for the connection of Tasmania to the Australian mainland telecommunications network after World War I, not completed until 1936.

scholarly journals World War II in modern interpretations of Russian and Polish politicians

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Boris Valentinovich Petelin ◽  
Vladilena Vadimovna Vorobeva
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Respect ◽  
World War ◽  
Red Army ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Military

In the political circles of European countries attempts to reformat the history of World War II has been continuing. Poland is particularly active; there at the official level, as well as in the articles and in the speeches of politicians, political scientists and historians crude attacks against Russia for its commitment to objective assessments of the military past are allowed. Though, as the authors of this article mention, Russian politicians have not always been consistent in evaluation of Soviet-Polish relationships, hoping to reach a certain compromise. If there were any objections, they were mostly unconvincing. Obviously, as the article points, some statements and speeches are not without emotional colouring that is characteristic, when expressing mutual claims. However, the deliberate falsification of historical facts and evidence, from whatever side it occurs, does not meet the interests of the Polish and Russian peoples, in whose memory the heroes of the Red Army and the Polish Resistance have lived and will live. The authors point in the conclusions that it is hard to achieve mutual respect to key problems of World War II because of the overlay of the 18th – 19th centuries, connected with the “partitions of Poland”, the existence of the “Kingdom of Poland” as part of the Russian Empire, Soviet-Polish War of 1920. There can be only one way out, as many Russian and Polish scientists believe – to understand the complex twists and turns of Russo-Polish history, relying on the documents. Otherwise, the number of pseudoscientific, dishonest interpretations will grow.

Salvaging Status: Doubling Down in Russia, Egypt, and Great Britain

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Renshon
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
World War I ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Other ◽  
European Countries ◽  
World War ◽  
State Behavior ◽  
Suez Crisis

This chapter examines whether status concerns lead decision makers to value status more highly by looking at three separate sets of decisions: Russia's decision to aggressively back Serbia in the 1914 July Crisis, Britain's decision to collude with Israel and France in launching the 1956 Suez Crisis, and Gamal Abdel Nasser's 1962 decision to intervene in the Yemen Civil War (and continue to escalate through the rest of the decade). These cases broadly substantiate the patterns found in the Weltpolitik case—decision makers tend to value status more highly due to status concerns—while highlighting the plausibility of several new mechanisms. They also show that status concerns are not confined to European countries, great powers or states in the pre-World War I era. Finally, they reveal the other side of status concerns: state behavior designed to salvage or defend status rather than increase it.

The Politically Weak

2020 ◽  
pp. 93-119
Author(s):  
Martin Crotty ◽  
Neil J. Diamant ◽  
Mark Edele
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Long Period ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Democratic Systems

This chapter investigates the cases of victory and defeat and explains what politically influential veterans were able to produce to secure benefits and rights. It focuses on China after its long period of war and civil war that ended in 1949, the United Kingdom after both world wars, the United States after World War I, and the USSR after World War II. It analyses the cases wherein veterans had little or limited success in securing meaningful social and political status. The chapter identifies factors that determine the veterans' status, where it is victory or defeat, or authoritarian versus democratic systems of government. It discusses the political process and the attempts to convert claims into entitlements in order to explain the negative outcomes for the veterans of victorious armies.

The Political History of American Food Aid

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Riley
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Food Aid ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Agriculture Sector ◽  
History Of

This book discusses the 220-year history of the political and humanitarian uses of American food as a tool of both foreign and domestic policy. During these years, food aid has been used as a weapon against the expansion of bolshevism after World War I and communism after World War II, a cudgel to force policy changes by recalcitrant recipient governments, a method for balancing disputes between Israel and Egypt, a backdoor means of increasing military aid to Southeast Asia during the Vietnam War, a signal of support to friendly governments, and a resource to help achieve economic development in food-insecure countries. At home, international food aid has, at times, been used to dump troublesome food surpluses abroad and has served politicians as a tool to secure the votes of farming constituents and the political support of agriculture-sector lobbyists, commodity traders, transporters, and shippers. Most important in the minds of many, it has been the most visible—and most popular—means of providing humanitarian aid to tens of millions of hungry men, women, and children confronted, on distant shores, by war, terrorism, and natural cataclysms and the resulting threat—if not the reality—of famine and death. The book investigates the little-known, not well-understood, and often highly contentious political processes that have converted fields of grains, crops of pulses, and herds of livestock into the tools of U.S. government policy.

Reframing the Yenching Story

2007 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 173-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip West
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Liberal Arts ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The Qing Dynasty ◽  
Opium War ◽  
Communist Revolution ◽  
Liberal Christianity ◽  
Unequal Treaties

AbstractOne way to revisit and reframe the Yenching story is to imagine with a few bold strokes how the conflicting threads in that story are woven into the ironic twists and turns in twentieth-century Chinese-Western relations. Had it not been for the political collapse of the Qing dynasty in 1911 and the cultural and spiritual vacuum created in its wake, core Chinese faculty at Yenching and many of the Yenching students might never have been attracted to liberal Christianity and the liberal arts. Had it not been for the extraterritorial protection under the unequal treaties going back to the days of the Opium War, it would not have been possible for the missionary educators to lead in introducing the liberal arts into China. Had it not been for the war with Japan and events leading up to it since World War I, followed later by the Chinese civil war, it would be difficult to explain to Western liberal ears how the patriotic passions of Yenching faculty and students could lead them to adapt as readily as they did to the Communist revolution.

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