scholarly journals The Relevance of Transnational Networking in the Global Ministry of Fredrik Franson

Missionalia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Ulrich Reifler ◽  
Christof Sauer
2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Der-yuan Wu

In the wake of globalization, cities have increasingly engaged in international affairs. Positioning as in-between administrative entities and to reconcile between competing national interests and universal objectives like the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), cities could demonstrate their agency in providing alternative pursuit of global development. In particular, while international affairs have in a way environmentalized, global environmentalism in turn has strongly urbanized in recent decades. Many cities along the coast, in Asia or broader world alike, are at the forefront of climate change impacts and would be vulnerable to any catastrophes such as the Indian Ocean tsunami of 2004. After all, given the size of city economies, the material losses caused by climate-induced extreme weather can be tremendous. Thus, it is worthwhile to examine the role of Southeast Asian cities in international development in terms of their transnational networking. Moreover, the phenomenon that cities becoming active players in international affairs has been explored mostly in relation to North American, European or Western setting. Literature on cities’ transnational and multi-level engagement in the EU has been abundant. By contrast, there is very few researches focusing on the part of ASEAN in mainstream literature on city diplomacy or paradiplomacy. The primary purpose of this paper is thus to examine the state of play by Southeast Asian cities in some key multilateral networkings such as C40 Cities, International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives (ICLEI) and United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG).Keywords: city diplomacy, Southeast Asia, transnational networking, multilateral networkingKota-kota semakin terlibat dalam urusan internasional setelah globalisasi mulai muncul ke permukaan. Memposisikan sebagai entitas administratif di antara dan untuk merekonsiliasi antara kepentingan nasional yang bersaing dan tujuan universal seperti Tujuan Pembangunan Berkelanjutan PBB (SDGs), kota-kota dapat menunjukkan peran mereka dalam memberikan alternatif pengejaran pembangunan global. Lebih lanjut, ketika isu lingkungan telah mendominasi dunia internasional, para pemikir lingkungan global telah membuatnya menjadi lebih urban dalam beberapa dekade. Banyak kota di daerah pantai, baik di regional Asia ataupun di regional lainnya di dunia, berada dalam resiko tinggi akan perubahan iklim dan rentan terhadap bencana seperti tsunami, seperti yang terjadi di Samudra Hindia tahun 2004. Terlebih lagi, mengingat ukuran ekonomi kota, kerugian materiil disebabkan oleh cuaca ekstrem yang disebabkan oleh iklim cenderung cukup besar. Dengan demikian, ada baiknya untuk memeriksa peran kota-kota Asia Tenggara dalam pengembangan internasional dalam hal jaringan transnasional mereka. Selain itu, fenomena bahwa kota menjadi pemain aktif dalam urusan internasional telah dieksplorasi sebagian besar di kawasan Amerika Utara, Eropa atau Barat. Literatur tentang keterlibatan transnasional dan multi-level kota-kota di Uni Eropa telah berlimpah. Sebaliknya, masih sedikit penelitian yang berfokus pada bagian ASEAN dalam literatur arus utama tentang diplomasi kota atau paradiplomasi. Tujuan utama dari tulisan prospektif ini adalah untuk menguji keadaan permainan oleh kota-kota Asia Tenggara di beberapa jaringan multilateral utama seperti Kota C40, Dewan Internasional untuk Inisiatif Lingkungan Lokal (ICLEI) dan United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG).Kata-Kata Kunci: diplomasi antar kota, Asia Tenggara, jaringan transnasional, jaringan multilateral


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 1034-1050 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Cooley ◽  
Daniel H. Nexon

Many commentators refer to the U.S. overseas network of military installations as an “empire,” yet very few have examined the theoretical and practical significance of such an analogy. This article explores the similarities and differences between the basing network and imperial systems. We argue that American basing practices and relations combine elements of liberal multilateralism with “neo-imperial” hegemony. Much, but far from all, of the network shares with ideal-typical empires a hub-and-spoke system of unequal relations among the United States and its base-host country “peripheries.” But Washington rarely exercises rule over host-country leaders and their constituents. Historical examples suggest that this combination of imperial and non-imperial elements has rendered the United States vulnerable to political cross-pressures, intermediary exits, and periodic bargaining failures when dealing with overseas base hosts. Moreover, globalizing processes, especially increasing information flows and the transnational networking of anti-base movements, further erode U.S. capacity to maintain multivocal legitimation strategies and keep the terms of its individual basing bargains isolated from one another. Case studies of the rapid contestation of the terms of the U.S. basing presence in post-Soviet Central Asia and post-2003 Iraq illustrate some of these dynamics.


Author(s):  
Cristina E. Parau

Studies of the fate of Judiciaries in post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have been rare and attempts at causal explanation rarer. This study found that interlocked transnational networking empowered a minority of elite Judiciary revisionists to entrench their institutional template in Eastern European constitutions, setting these transitional democracies on a trajectory toward a global trend of the judicialization of politics. The first, crucial step in that process is traced: the formal disempowerment of democracy through Judiciary revisions that ordinary people and politicians in Central and Eastern Europe little heeded. The causal nexus converging on this outcome is explained. Why it matters is because the revisionist template reorients that most venerable of non-majoritarian institutions beyond adjudication of the guilt or innocence of subjects of state power under legal certainty – the classical role of modern courts – toward the improvisation of public policy, with or without the consent of the majority of the governed, by ‘finding’ it in constitutions; the unique legitimacy of which derives from the prior ratification of a supermajority. The question of who shall have the final disposition of contested constitutional meaning – the Executive, Legislature, Judiciary, the People, or All of these – implicates sovereignty itself and whom it shall rest on: the last word is sovereign for practical purposes. The interdisciplinarity of this study will appeal to a wide audience: scholars of law and politics and socio-legal studies, social scientists researching elite transnationalism and European integration beyond the EU, even institutional design practitioners.


Author(s):  
Yusuf Sheikh Omar

Somalia has been involved in a prolonged war that commenced in the 1990s, and millions of her citizens have fled their homeland in search of protection and safety in other countries, particularly in the West. This chapter therefore examined the Somali diasporas with particular focus on their levels of knowledge and skills transfer as contributions to peace and nation building in their homeland. It also examined how their engagement on issues such as transnational networking, remittances, investments in the economy and education, media development, advocacy, politics and governance, as well as humanitarian endeavors have helped build capacities in the country. The chapter highlights the opportunities and challenges faced by Somali diasporas, especially the uncertain security atmosphere in the country.


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