scholarly journals Norway’s New(s) Wars—Syria in the Norwegian Mass Media

Nordlit ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rune Ottosen

Through two case studies, this article will explore how Norwegian news media framed the Norwegian military presence in Syria. Earlier research by the author has shown how the legal aspects of NATO’s out-of-area operations have been ignored by mainstream media. In this study, emphasis will be put on self-censorship among Norwegian journalists, ignoring the fact that Norwegian special forces took part in military operations inside Syria from May 2017 to March 2018. The hypothesis based on Johan Galtung’s (2002) theory of peace journalism is that mainstream media refused to see the connection between Norway’s bombing of Libya and the escalation of the ‘civil war’ in Syria. According to legal experts, the Norwegian military presence in Syria was a violation of international law, as it supported rebel groups in armed confrontation with the Assad government, recognized by the Norwegian state through diplomatic relations. The hypothesis of the study—based on an explorative investigation of selected Norwegian news media—is that Norwegian politicians, silently supported by the media, have changed basic principles of Norwegian security policy without an open public debate. Before 1999, Norway was a loyal NATO member based on the notion that NATO was a ‘defense alliance’. After the change in NATO strategy to the new out-of-area policy, Norway has in practice become a ‘military tool’ in the geopolitical strategy of the US. This change of policy has, to a large extent, happened without critical investigation by mainstream media. The article presents two case studies of how Norwegian media dealt with the legal issues when Norway was asked to contribute in Syria, and how the Norwegian military presence was reported by Norwegian media in the periods December 2015 to January 2016, as well as May 2017 to March 2018.

2021 ◽  
pp. 095715582110217
Author(s):  
Marion Dalibert

By questioning the media coverage of the seven feminist movements that have received most publicity in the French mainstream media since the 2000s, this article shows that the media narrative regarding feminism perpetuates the national metanarrative produced in generalist newspapers. This metanarrative reinforces the power of majority groups by portraying them as inherently egalitarian, while those with the least economic, social, political and cultural power, such as Muslim men, are portrayed as the most sexist. It also highlights that racialised collectives are still socially invisible or limited to a visibility that is framed by representations rooted in a (post) colonial imaginary. Non-white women are in fact presented as fundamentally submissive, while (upper)-middle-class white women are the only ones associated with emancipation, which is significant of white and bourgeois hegemony at work in the French news media.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Benny Nuriely ◽  
Moti Gigi ◽  
Yuval Gozansky

Purpose This paper aims to analyze the ways socio-economic issues are represented in mainstream news media and how it is consumed, understood and interpreted by Israeli young adults (YAs). It examines how mainstream media uses neo-liberal discourse, and the ways YAs internalize this ethic, while simultaneously finding ways to overcome its limitations. Design/methodology/approach This was a mixed methods study. First, it undertook content analysis of the most popular Israeli mainstream news media among YAs: the online news site Ynet and the TV Channel 2 news. Second, the authors undertook semi-structured in-depth interviews with 29 Israeli YAs. The analysis is based on an online survey of 600 young Israelis, aged 18–35 years. Findings Most YAs did not perceive mainstream media as enabling a reliable understanding of the issues important to them. The content analysis revealed that self-representation of YAs is rare, and that their issues were explained, and even resolved, by older adults. Furthermore, most of YAs' problems in mainstream news media were presented using a neo-liberal perspective. Finally, from the interviews, the authors learned that YAs did not find information that could help them deal with their most pressing economic and social issue, in the content offered by mainstream media. For most of them, social media overcomes these shortcomings. Originality/value Contrary to research that has explored YAs’ consumerism of new media outlets, this article explores how YAs in Israel are constructed in the media, as well as the way in which YAs understand mainstream and new social media coverage of the issues most important to them. Using media content analysis and interviews, the authors found that Young Adults tend to be ambivalent toward media coverage. They understand the lack of media information: most of them know that they do not learn enough from the media. This acknowledgment accompanies their tendency to internalize the neo-liberal logic and conservative Israeli national culture, in which class and economic redistribution are largely overlooked. Mainstream news media uses neo-liberal discourse, and young adults internalize this logic, while simultaneously finding ways to overcome the limitations this discourse offers. They do so by turning to social media, mainly Facebook. Consequently, their behavior maintains the logic of the market, while also developing new social relations, enabled by social media.


Author(s):  
David Robie

At the heart of a global crisis over news media credibility and trust is Britain’s so-called Hackgate scandal involving the widespread allegations of phone-hacking and corruption against the now defunct Rupert Murdoch tabloid newspaper News Of The World. Major inquiries on media ethics, professionalism and accountability have been examining the state of the press in New Zealand, Britain and Australia. The Murdoch media empire has stretched into the South Pacific with the sale of one major title being forced by political pressure. The role of news media in global South nations and the declining credibility of some sectors of the developed world’s Fourth Estate also pose challenges for the future of democracy. Truth, censorship, ethics and corporate integrity are increasingly critical media issues in the digital age for a region faced with coups, conflicts and human rights violations, such as in Fiji and West Papua. In this monograph, Professor David Robie reflects on the challenges in the context of the political economy of the media and journalism education in the Asia-Pacific region. He also engages with emerging disciplines such as deliberative journalism, peace journalism, human rights journalism, and revisits notions of critical development journalism and citizen journalism.


Author(s):  
Ted Gest

Police and the media have had a close relationship but it has become an increasingly uneasy one. For more than a century, the mainstream United States media—mainly newspapers, radio, television and magazines—have depended on the police for raw material for a steady diet of crime stories. For its part, law enforcement regards the media as something of an adversary. The relationship has changed because of the growth of investigative reporting and of the Internet. Both developments have increased the volume of material critical of the police. At the same time, law enforcement has used social media as a means to bypass the mainstream media to try getting its message directly to the public. However, the news media in all of its forms remains a powerful interpreter of how law enforcement does its job.


Media-N ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall Packer

While the mainstream media largely dominate the discourse and narrative of the daily news cycle, we have, since the dawning of the Web some twenty-five years ago, seen this tight grip of control loosening at an increasing rate. The emergence of citizen-journalism via the blogosphere in the early 2000s, followed by the explosive and ubiquitous presence of social media in the late 2000s, has empowered the individual in the act of distributing their own view of events as they unfold.The key question raised here is the following: how might the artist engage rogue tactics of journalism via the Internet to directly challenge the dominance and status quo of the broadcast media? For the past 15 years, through networked art projects that include the US Department of Art & Technology (2001-2005), Media Deconstruction Kit (2003-2004), and The Post Reality Show (2012-), I have used techniques of media to appropriate, transform, and rebroadcast live cable news media via the Internet to amplify and distorts its contents: allowing us to view the broadcast in a new way, revealing its hidden mechanisms of control, a détournement that jolts us out of the sensationalism of media and its seductive hold on our gaze. In contrast to the citizen journalist who brings unreported events to the light of day, the artist's reportage here takes shape as a disruption of the media broadcast, attempting to expose its effects of disinformation by shocking the viewer out of obedient assimilation of its contamination.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florian Stöhr

German politicians and people working in the media often mention the so-called security community when referring to experts working in the field of security politics. The term is not defined, however. The security community is not systematically researched. Who are the main actors of German security policy? What are their backgrounds, functions and activities? This thesis identifies a broad security landscape and a well-connected network of political, academic and social leaders. Based on extensive empirical data, expert interviews and case studies the thesis closes a research gap. It offers many practical and fundamental results for professionals and points out questions for further research about the security community in Germany.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-20
Author(s):  
Adnan Munawar ◽  

This study examines coverage patterns of the killing of Burhan Muzaffar Wani in two leading English dailies of Pakistan and India from July 2016 to December 2016. The killing of Wani, a commander of Hizbul Mujahideen, in an encounter by the Indian security forces on July 8, 2016, led to large-scale protests in the Indian-held Kashmir and military confrontations over the line of control between the two nuclear-armed South Asian neighbors and claims of surgical strikes against Pakistan by India. The theoretical framework for this research was determined by framing theory, while the sample was selected by applying census sampling. The findings, based on a quantitative content analysis of selected editorials of The Times of India and The News International, show that the two newspapers did not present the ground reality as it is, but reconstructed it according to their agendas and represented it by framing events. The patriotic and hostile attitude of the media of both countries results in the obstruction of peace process and endorses a wave of tension, which often leads to heightened tension and war hysteria between the two countries. Consistent with the existing scholarship on peace journalism, the findings of this study also show how the news media surrender impartiality and cover the events in view of their country’s national interests and foreign policy. Keywords: Framing, conflict communication, Kashmir dispute, Burhan Wani, Kashmir freedom movement, crisis communication.


Kandai ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 291
Author(s):  
NFN Aliurridha ◽  
Susana Widyastuti

The #2019gantipresiden movement was a new agenda of the opposition to win the 2019 presidential election. There were many rejections of these movements. The media reported these rejections with different language style so as to articulate their ideologies. The goal of this research is to explain the attitude of mainstream media toward the rejections of #2019gantipresiden and how ideology plays a role in discourse production. This research used CDA with the appraisal system approach to analyze linguistic features. The data in this research were taken from three different online news media, CNN Indonesia, Detik, and Kompas. The data of this research were collected by selected purposive sampling: three tops of news report were chosen in ‘Google search engine’ of each media. The data analysis was done through referential, substitutional and abductive inference method. The result shows that CNN and Kompas marginalize the #2019gantipresiden movement in reporting the rejection while Detik more neutral. CNN was more focused on describing the #2019gantipresiden movement by negative evaluation while others more focused on reporting the rejection. Furthermore, CNN used explicit, provocative, sharp and straightforward language styles; Detik used neutral, emphatic, careful, and objective language styles; Kompas used deep and clear analysis and more delicate language styles in reporting the rejection of the #2019gantipresiden movement.(Gerakan #2019gantipresiden adalah agenda baru pihak oposisi untuk memenangkan pemilihan presiden 2019. Ada banyak penolakan terhadap gerakan ini. Media memberitakan penolakan ini dengan gaya bahasa yang berbeda-beda mewakili ideologi mereka. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menemukan sikap media online arus utama dalam memberitakan penolakan ini dan bagaimana ideologi berperan dalam praktik wacana. Penelitian ini menggunakan AWK dengan pendekatan sistem appraisal untuk menganalisis fitur-fitur linguistik. Data dalam penelitian ini diambil dari tiga media berita online (daring) yang berbeda, CNN Indonesia, Detik, dan Kompas. Data penelitian ini dikumpulkan dengan purposive sampling: tiga artikel teratas dipilih pada 'mesin pencari Google' dari masing-masing media. Data dianalisis menggunakan metode referensial, substitusi, dan abduktif inferensial. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa CNN dan Kompas cenderung memarginalkan gerakan #2019gantipresiden dalam memberitakan penolakan sementara Detik lebih netral. CNN fokus dalam menggambarkan gerakan #2019gantipresiden dengan evaluasi negatif sementara yang lain lebih fokus pada pemberitaan penolakan. Selain itu, CNN menggunakan bahasa yang eksplisit, provokatif, tajam dan langsung; sementara Detik menggunakan bahasa yang lebih netral, empati, hati-hati, dan objektif; Kompas menggunakan analisis yang mendalam, jelas, dan lebih halus dalam memberitakan penolakan terhadap gerakan # 2019gantipresiden.)


2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Lidberg

When the Australian Independent Media Inquiry (IMI) published its report most mainstream media reporting focused on the suggested statutory-based News Media Council and largely ignored any discussion of the underlying issues—public trust in journalism and news media and accountability for its practices. The aim of this study was to capture the attitudes held by the media industry toward these issues. Based on a content analysis of 33 submissions to the IMI and the Convergence Review it can be concluded that only 15 percent of the submissions addressed trust or media accountability issues. Furthermore, the submissions illustrate a disconnect between the attitudes held by some media proprietors and the trust deficit reality displayed in multiple studies of the public’s attitudes to journalism and news media.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Desiree Steppat ◽  
Laia Castro Herrero ◽  
Frank Esser

Media fragmentation and polarization have contributed to blurring the lines between professional and non-professional journalism. Internationally, more fragmented-polarized media environments are often associated with the emergence of non-professional news providers, the weakening of journalistic standards, and the segmentation of audiences along ideological leanings. Furthermore, these environments are home to partisan and alternative news media outlets, some of which try to actively undermine the credibility of traditional mainstream media in their reporting. By following an audience-centric approach, this study investigates the consequences of more fragmented-polarized media environments and consumption habits on users’ perceptions of news media performance. We use online-survey data from five countries that differ in the extent of fragmentation and polarization in the media environment (CH = 1,859, DK = 2,667, IT = 2,121, PL = 2,536, US = 3,493). We find that perceptions of high news media performance are more likely to be expressed by citizens from less fragmented-polarized media environments. Positive perceptions of news media performance are also stronger among users of traditional media, and those who inform themselves in a more attitude-congruent manner. By contrast, citizens from more fragmented-polarized media environments and users of alternative news media tend to express less satisfaction with news media performance. Based on these results, we argue that perceptions of news media performance among news users are shaped by their individual media choices as well as by the composition of the news media environments that surrounds them.


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