scholarly journals Career choices of underrepresented and female postdocs in the biomedical sciences

eLife ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
W Marcus Lambert ◽  
Martin T Wells ◽  
Matthew F Cipriano ◽  
Jacob N Sneva ◽  
Juanita A Morris ◽  
...  

The lack of diversity among faculty at universities and medical schools in the United States is a matter of growing concern. However, the factors that influence the career choices of underrepresented minority and female postdoctoral researchers have received relatively little attention. Here we report the results of a survey of 1284 postdocs working in the biomedical sciences in the US. Our findings highlight possible reasons why some underrepresented minority and female postdocs choose not to pursue careers in academic research, and suggest interventions that could be taken in the early stages of postdoctoral training to prevent this attrition of underrepresented groups.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Estee Y Cramer ◽  
Yuxin Huang ◽  
Yijin Wang ◽  
Evan L Ray ◽  
Matthew Cornell ◽  
...  

Academic researchers, government agencies, industry groups, and individuals have produced forecasts at an unprecedented scale during the COVID-19 pandemic. To leverage these forecasts, the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) partnered with an academic research lab at the University of Massachusetts Amherst to create the US COVID-19 Forecast Hub. Launched in April 2020, the Forecast Hub is a dataset with point and probabilistic forecasts of incident hospitalizations, incident cases, incident deaths, and cumulative deaths due to COVID-19 at national, state, and county levels in the United States. Included forecasts represent a variety of modeling approaches, data sources, and assumptions regarding the spread of COVID-19. The goal of this dataset is to establish a standardized and comparable set of short-term forecasts from modeling teams. These data can be used to develop ensemble models, communicate forecasts to the public, create visualizations, compare models, and inform policies regarding COVID-19 mitigation. These open-source data are available via download from GitHub, through an online API, and through R packages.


Gesnerus ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 52 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 94-115
Author(s):  
Arnd Schulte-Bockholt ◽  
Axel Bauer

Scientific relations in Internal Medicine between German-speaking countries and the United States were characterized by various stages during the last hundred and twenty years. From 1870 to the First World War German medical research and teaching as well as the competitive German university system were regarded as a model for US Medical Schools. After World War I, however, things changed as a result of American Medical Schools’ reforms which had been implemented. On the other hand, financial equipment of German universities was decreasing due to inflation and unemployment. Furthermore, between 1933 and 1945, many excellent scientists and clinicians were forced to emigrate from Germany and Austria to the US because of persecution by the Nazis for political or “racial” reasons. After the end of World War II, scientific and technical leadership of American Internal Me-dicine remained unchallenged; today many European physicians complete their training in the biomedical sciences in the United States. Beginning in the 1980s, German-speaking internists increasingly publish the results of their research in American scientific journals.


eLife ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D Schaller ◽  
Gary McDowell ◽  
André Porter ◽  
Dorothy Shippen ◽  
Katherine L Friedman ◽  
...  

Numerous concerns have been raised about the sustainability of the biomedical research enterprise in the United States. Improving the postdoctoral training experience is seen as a priority in addressing these concerns, but even identifying who the postdocs are is made difficult by the multitude of different job titles they can carry. Here, we summarize the detrimental effects that current employment structures have on training, compensation and benefits for postdocs, and argue that academic research institutions should standardize the categorization and treatment of postdocs. We also present brief case studies of two institutions that have addressed these challenges and can provide models for other institutions attempting to enhance their postdoctoral workforces and improve the sustainability of the biomedical research enterprise.


2017 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric L. Wallace ◽  
Janice Lea ◽  
Ninad S. Chaudhary ◽  
Russell Griffin ◽  
Eric Hammelman ◽  
...  

BackgroundUnited States Renal Data System (USRDS) data from 2014 show that African Americans (AA) are underrepresented in the home dialysis population, with 6.4% versus 9.2% utilization in the general populace. This racial disparity may be inaccurately ascribed to the nation as a whole if regional and inter-state variability exists. This investigation sought to examine home dialysis utilization by minority Medicare beneficiary populations across the US nationally, regionally, and by individual state.MethodsThe 2012 Medicare 100% Outpatient Standard Analytic File was used to identify all Medicare fee-for-service (FFS) patients, with state of residence and race, receiving an outpatient dialysis facility bill type. Peritoneal dialysis (PD) and home hemodialysis (HHD) patients were identified using revenue and condition codes and were defined by having at least one claim during the year that met criteria for the category. Beneficiaries were counted once for each modality used that year. A home dialysis utilization ratio (UR) was calculated as the ratio of the proportion of a minority on PD or HHD within a geographic division to the proportion of Caucasians on PD or HHD within the same geographic division. A UR less than 1.00 indicated under-representation while a UR over 1.00 indicated over-representation. Utilization ratios were compared using a Poisson regression model.ResultsA total of 369,164 Medicare FFS dialysis patients were identified. Within the total cohort, AA were the most underrepresented minority on PD (UR 0.586; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.585 – 0.586; p < 0.0001), followed by Hispanics (UR 0.744; 95% CI 0.743 – 0.744; p < 0.0001). The underutilization of PD by AA and Hispanics could not be ascribed to any region of the US, as all regions of the US had UR < 1.00. Only Massachusetts had a UR > 1.00 for AA on PD. Peritoneal dialysis UR values for Asians and those self-identified as Other were 0.954; 95% CI 0.953 – 0.954 and 0.932; 95% CI 0.931 – 0.932, respectively. Nationally, all minorities utilized HHD less than Caucasians. However, more variability existed, with Asians utilizing more HHD than Caucasians in the Midwest.ConclusionsAlthough regional and interstate variability exists, there is near universal under-representation of AA and Hispanics in the home dialysis population, while Asians and Other demonstrate more interregional and interstate variability.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas

In the 1940s, curbing undocumented Mexican immigrant entry into the United States became a US government priority because of an alleged immigration surge, which was blamed for the unemployment of an estimated 252,000 US domestic agricultural laborers. Publicly committed to asserting its control of undocumented Mexican immigrant entry, the US government used Operation Wetback, a binational INS border-enforcement operation, to strike a delicate balance between satisfying US growers’ unending demands for surplus Mexican immigrant labor and responding to the jobs lost by US domestic agricultural laborers. Yet Operation Wetback would also unintentionally and unexpectedly fuel a distinctly transnational pathway to legalization, marriage, and extended family formation for some Mexican immigrants.On July 12, 1951, US president Harry S. Truman’s signing of Public Law 78 initiated such a pathway for an estimated 125,000 undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers throughout the United States. This law was an extension the Bracero Program, a labor agreement between the Mexican and US governments that authorized the temporary contracting of braceros (male Mexican contract laborers) for labor in agricultural production and railroad maintenance. It was formative to undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers’ transnational pursuit of decisively personal goals in both Mexico and the United States.Section 501 of this law, which allowed employers to sponsor certain undocumented laborers, became a transnational pathway toward formalizing extended family relationships between braceros and Mexican American women. This article seeks to begin a discussion on how Operation Wetback unwittingly inspired a distinctly transnational approach to personal extended family relationships in Mexico and the United States among individuals of Mexican descent and varying legal statuses, a social matrix that remains relatively unexplored.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gremil Alessandro Naz

<p>This paper examines the changes in Filipino immigrants’ perceptions about themselves and of Americans before and after coming to the United States. Filipinos have a general perception of themselves as an ethnic group. They also have perceptions about Americans whose media products regularly reach the Philippines. Eleven Filipinos who have permanently migrated to the US were interviewed about their perceptions of Filipinos and Americans. Before coming to the US, they saw themselves as hardworking, family-oriented, poor, shy, corrupt, proud, adaptable, fatalistic, humble, adventurous, persevering, gossipmonger, and happy. They described Americans as rich, arrogant, educated, workaholic, proud, powerful, spoiled, helpful, boastful, materialistic, individualistic, talented, domineering, friendly, accommodating, helpful, clean, and kind. Most of the respondents changed their perceptions of Filipinos and of Americans after coming to the US. They now view Filipinos as having acquired American values or “Americanized.” On the other hand, they stopped perceiving Americans as a homogenous group possessing the same values after they got into direct contact with them. The findings validate social perception and appraisal theory, and symbolic interaction theory.</p>


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