scholarly journals What is ideology?

Author(s):  
John Levi Martin

Political ideology has been a confusing topic for social analysts, and those who attempted to eschew judgmental reductions of others’ conceptions and develop a non-polemical political psychology found ideology behaving in ways that defeated their theories of political reasoning.  I argue that political ideology can best be understood as actors’ theorization of their own position, and available strategies, in a political field.

1998 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 195-248
Author(s):  
George Barany

Historians and political scientists have already begun to explore different aspects of modern Austria's political culture. But as Helmut Konrad has reminded us, this relatively new concept is loosely defined; he considers “political culture” to mean “the values held by individuals, groups, and society as a whole that affect the behavior of peoplewithin and in relation to the political system of a country.” Lucian Pye stresses the behavioral approach in political analysis to make “more explicit and systematic” our understanding of “such long-standingconcepts as political ideology, national ethos and spirit, national political psychology, and the fundamental values of a people.”


Author(s):  
GABRIEL EIDELWEIN SILVEIRA ◽  
Denise Regina Quaresma da Silva ◽  
Paulo José Libardoni ◽  
Tamires Eidelwein

This article discusses the “judicial marxism”, which was characterized by the actuation of judges who have learned their ideology among student movements and labor unions. Brazilian Labor Justice was created in the 40s, but the true Labor Law charismatic founders were the hyper politicized generation of labor judges, stood out in the 80s and the 90s, when Marxist labor judges held their position, in the field, against the traditional view of a neutral and impartial judge in the Montesquieu style. It’s known that judges who are politically oriented to Marxism produce “garantist” discourses (in Ferrajoli´s sense) when they utter a speech in legal terms (in their opinions), referring to the fundamental labor rights doctrine – which is based on the concept of dignity of work. However, sometimes “labor garantism” and “Marxism” don’t coincide in attitudes of the same labor judges because it’s not necessary that garantist judges have both the humanistic education and the political initiation in their backgrounds. The truth is that Marxism and garantism can live together, once we recognize that the prior is a political and philosophical doctrine, effective only in the political field, but never into the legal field, while the later is a major philosophical theory especially applied to law issues. By the 2000s, elder Marxist judges were challenged by a younger generation of hyper technicist magistrates formed at the benches of the career preparatory courses. By asserting the autonomy of the juridical discourse, rather than the political ideology, these legal positivist judges (in Kelsen´s sense), so called “professional jurists”, partially delegitimized the judicial activism, particularly relevant in Brazilian Labor Courts. Nowadays, Judicial Marxism faces a crisis, losing space to pure garantist and legal positivist judges, although it still holds a formidable aura of legitimacy because it’s the only labor law tradition that deeply  justifies the “protective principle”, by assuming the class struggle theory as a main postulate.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas H Costello ◽  
Scott O. Lilienfeld

Right-left political views can be decomposed into distinct economic and social dimensions that bear differing relations with external criteria. In three community samples (total N = 1487), we identified replicable suppressor situations in which statistically controlling for either social or economic political ideology increased the other ideology dimension’s relations with variables reflecting cognitive rigidity, authoritarianism, dangerous worldview, and lethal partisanship. Specifically, positive relations between social conservatism and these outcomes were enhanced after controlling for economic conservatism, while, after controlling for social conservatism, positive bivariate relations between economic conservatism and external criteria became negative and negative bivariate relations were enhanced. We identified similar, albeit less consistent, suppressor phenomena for general personality. Taken together, our results suggest that social and economic conservatism differ substantially in their psychological implications, and that following statistical control, these differences emerge even in samples in which social and economic conservatism are highly positively correlated.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Adam Cayton ◽  
Ryan Dawkins

The electoral connection incentivizes representatives to take positions that please most of their constituents. However, on votes for which we have data, lawmakers vote against majority opinion in their district on one out of every three high-profile roll calls in the U.S. House. This rate of “incongruent voting” is much higher for Republican lawmakers, but they do not appear to be punished for it at higher rates than Democrats on Election Day. Why? Research in political psychology shows that citizens hold both policy-specific and identity-based symbolic preferences, that these preferences are weakly correlated, and that incongruous symbolic identity and policy preferences are more common among Republican voters than Democrats. While previous work on representation has treated this fact as a nuisance, we argue that it reflects two real dimensions of political ideology that voters use to evaluate lawmakers. Using four years of CCES data, district-level measures of opinion, and the roll-call record, we find that both dimensions of ideology matter for how lawmakers cast roll calls, and that the operational-symbolic disconnect in public opinion leads to different kinds of representation for each party.


2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 524-563 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abhinav Gupta ◽  
Forrest Briscoe

This paper argues that organizations tend to be more “open” or “closed” as a function of their members’ political ideologies and that this variation can help explain firms’ responses to social activism. Integrating research on social activism with political psychology, we propose that when firms experience activists’ protests, a liberal-leaning firm will be more likely to concede to activists’ demands than its conservative-leaning counterpart, because its decision makers will more readily accept the interconnectedness of the firm’s activities with the activists’ claims. Building on this core concept, we examine how factors that increase the salience of an organization’s ideology also amplify its effect on responses to protests. Based on a longitudinal sample of 558 protest events directed against Fortune 500 firms from 2001 to 2015, our results support the notion that liberal-leaning firms concede more to activism, an effect that exists after accounting for the ideological valence of the protest issues. When an organization’s members are more proximate to the corporate headquarters, this effect of its ideology is heightened. The same is true when the firm’s ideology is incongruent with that of its local community or its industry. These findings inform research on the organizational implications of political ideologies, as well as on social movements, institutional complexity, and non-market strategy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abhinav Gupta ◽  
Adam J. Wowak

We examine how directors’ political ideologies, specifically the board-level average of how conservative or liberal directors are, influence boards’ decisions about CEO compensation. Integrating research on corporate governance and political psychology, we theorize that conservative and liberal boards will differ in their prevailing beliefs about the appropriate amounts CEOs should be paid and, relatedly, the extent to which CEOs should be rewarded or penalized for recent firm performance. Using a donation-based index to measure the political ideologies of directors serving on S&P 1500 company boards, we test our ideas on a sample of over 4,000 CEOs from 1998 to 2013. Consistent with our predictions, we show that conservative boards pay CEOs more than liberal boards and that the relationship between recent firm performance and CEO pay is stronger for conservative boards than for liberal boards. We further demonstrate that these relationships are more pronounced when focusing specifically on the directors most heavily involved in designing CEO pay plans—members of compensation committees. By showing that board ideology manifests in CEO pay, we offer an initial demonstration of the potentially wide-ranging implications of political ideology for how corporations are governed.


sjesr ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 319-326
Author(s):  
Shafiq Ur Rehman ◽  
Dr. Rizwan Ullah Kokab

Few people know that Abdul Sattar Edhi, the renowned social worker, also tried his luck in the political field. This study draws attention to his activities in the political field. It uncovers the political style and ideologies of this future leviathan in social work to find out why and how a genuine social worker could not get a proper place in politics and did not succeed in winning the votes and support of people. Along with the analysis of his electoral contests, his political ideology has also been highlighted in this study. To arrive at its findings the study evaluates the primary as well as secondary sources employing historical methods of research. Multiple sources of primary data like the interviews, biographies, and authentic press reports helped in the formation of the needed evidence for the empirical historical research in this study. It is finally construed that Edhi’s thoughts and style of work in politics did not match with the prevailing political atmosphere and behavior. His realistic approach could not attract a following in the political field where attachment of religious sentiments with politics and deceptive slogans of political characters did not leave any space for a real social worker to succeed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 194855062096467
Author(s):  
Thomas H. Costello ◽  
Scott O. Lilienfeld

Right–left political views can be decomposed into distinct economic and social dimensions that bear differing relations with external criteria. In three community samples (total N = 1,487), we identified replicable suppressor situations in which statistically controlling for either social or economic political ideology increased the other ideology dimension’s relations with variables reflecting cognitive rigidity, authoritarianism, dangerous worldview, and lethal partisanship. Specifically, positive bivariate relations between social conservatism and these outcomes were enhanced after controlling for economic conservatism, whereas, after controlling for social conservatism, positive bivariate relations between economic conservatism and external criteria became negative and negative bivariate relations were enhanced. We identified similar, albeit less consistent, suppressor phenomena for general personality. Taken together, our results suggest that social and economic conservatism differ substantially in their psychological implications, and that following statistical control, these differences emerge in samples in which social and economic conservatism are highly positively correlated.


2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 126-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
John T. Jost ◽  
Brian A. Nosek ◽  
Samuel D. Gosling

We trace the rise, fall, and resurgence of political ideology as a topic of research in social, personality, and political psychology. For over 200 years, political belief systems have been classified usefully according to a single left—right (or liberal-conservative) dimension that, we believe, possesses two core aspects: (a) advocating versus resisting social change and (b) rejecting versus accepting inequality. There have been many skeptics of the notion that most people are ideologically inclined, but recent psychological evidence suggests that left-right differences are pronounced in many life domains. Implicit as well as explicit preferences for tradition, conformity, order, stability, traditional values, and hierarchy—versus those for progress, rebelliousness, chaos, flexibility, feminism, and equality—are associated with conservatism and liberalism, respectively. Conservatives score consistently higher than liberals on measures of system justification. Furthermore, there are personality and lifestyle differences between liberals and conservatives as well as situational variables that induce either liberal or conservative shifts in political opinions. Our thesis is that ideological belief systems may be structured according to a left-right dimension for largely psychological reasons linked to variability in the needs to reduce uncertainty and threat.


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