Chapter One: Political Conflict in China: The Origins of Civil War

1987 ◽  
pp. 15-44
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Conflict

POPULAR ICONOCLASM AND THE POLITICS OF THE PARISH IN EASTERN ENGLAND, 1640–1642

2004 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN WALTER
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Sacred Space ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Local Churches ◽  
The Public ◽  
Complex Process

This article explores the extent of popular iconoclasm in England in the period immediately before the start of civil war and for a region – eastern England – thought to lie at the heart of these events. It explores systematically the evidence for the extent of destruction (and the problems in its recording and recovery), the nature of the targets attacked, and the identities of the iconoclasts. The article argues that this first phase of iconoclasm was directed largely against Laudian innovations. Claiming an agency to police sacred space, iconoclasts derived legitimation from the public condemnation of Laudianism in parliament, print, and pulpit. Narrowing the focus, the article moves on to explore the occurrence of iconoclasm through a series of case studies of the complex process of conflict and negotiation within the politics of the parish that preceded, accompanied, and sometimes pre-empted popular destruction. The evidence of iconoclasm is used to show how the implementation of the Laudian programme might politicize local churches as sites of conflict and the potential therefore inherent in its aggressive enforcement for a wider political conflict.

Thomas Fuller as Royalist Country Parson During the Interregnum

1979 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 301-314
Author(s):  
W. B. Patterson
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Late Summer ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
First Year ◽  
The City ◽  
The Church

Although Thomas Fuller, the church historian, spent the first year of the civil war in London, where he articulated from the pulpit a political point of view consonant with that of the parliamentary peace party, there can be little doubt that his allegiance was with the king in that struggle. In the late summer of 1643 Fuller left London for the royalist capital at Oxford and before the end of the year entered the service of Lord Hopton as a chaplain in the royal army. During the latter stages of the civil war he resided in Exeter, where he served as chaplain to the infant princess Henrietta Anne, and where he enjoyed close relations with members of the court circle there. Fuller left the royalist community in Exeter only when the city itself surrendered in 1646, two months before the fall of Oxford. Because of these activities and because of a series of plainspoken books and pamphlets during the years of religious and political conflict, Fuller was widely known as an adherent of the royalist cause, albeit never as militant or as uncritical a partisan as many others in the king’s camp.

Do Economic Inequalities Generate Political Conflict? An Insight into Civil War and Niger Delta Crisis in Nigeria

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 160-174
Author(s):  
Sarabjit Kaur
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Niger Delta ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Human Suffering ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
Economic Inequalities

The outbreak of political conflicts within countries has been a source of immense human suffering. The serious repercussions and challenges posed by these conflicts direct one to identify the factors that can be political or economic in nature for the outbreak of these domestic conflicts. The present study, without undermining the role of political factors, nevertheless considers economic factors in terms of inequality as significant for the outbreak of conflicts and particularly in understanding the Civil War and Niger Delta Crisis in the context of countries like Nigeria.

МЕСТО И РОЛЬ СССР ПО РАЗРЕШЕНИЮ ВОЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО КОНФЛИКТА В ИСПАНИИ (1936–1939)

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 66
Author(s):  
А. В. Макарин ◽  
С. В. Рац
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Modern World ◽  
World War ◽  
En Bloc ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Stage Development ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military

Nowadays, there is a strong need for the multidimensional socio-political comprehension of the Russia’s modern stage development. This stage allows us making a research on the reforms’ results in the context of the state institutions. The process of the certain results and meaning rethinking of these changes both on the post-soviet space en bloc and in Russia in particular. This article in this sense is aimed at the investigation of the state’s role and place in the historical dimension. The permanent interest to the state’s role and place as well as the variety of its interactions with other countries is caused in the modern world by the modern states’ crisis. The article in this case is very topical and does cover the military political conflict in Spain and the participation of the USSR in it throughout 1936–1939. The main reason of the republicans’ defeat, according to the authors’ opinion, was the change in the USSR’s foreign policy line and as a result the cease of the economic and military help to the republicans government, the remoteness of the civil war combat fields in Spain and also the all-round military and economic help of the fascist coalition which did take part in the direct intervention on the Iberian peninsula. Alongside with this during the period since august 1939 until march 1939 USSR by lending the military and economic help to Spain did clearly demonstrate its priorities which were the fight against the international fascism and trotskyism, militarism and the unhidden aggression against the republic. The military counselors under the conditions of the modern state war did gain the experience in the planning and participation in the big-scale strategic operations. Lastly, on the threshold of the World War ΙΙ the civil war in Spain is considered to be the largest military political conflict of the mid-30s in the 20th century. The subjects of this conflict was from one side the Spanish republic and from the other one the united forces of the coupists and their allies whereas the object of the conflict was all the absoluteness of the political power.

Hear nothing, see nothing, say nothing: Can states reduce the risk of armed conflict by banning census data on ethnic groups?

2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Håvard Strand ◽  
Henrik Urdal
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Census Data ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Relative Strength ◽  
Differential Growth ◽  
Conflict Information

Can states reduce the risk of violent political conflict by simply refusing to collect or publish data on their ethnic makeup and change? This study addresses a neglected aspect of the ethnic conflict literature and provides the first systematic empirical study of the significance of recording ethnic affiliation in censuses for the risk of armed conflict. A general empirical regularity noted in the ethnic heterogeneity and civil war literature is that ethnicity is associated with a somewhat higher risk of conflict in bipolar societies. However, few quantitative studies focus on how changes in the relative strength of groups may affect the risk of civil war. Some recent literature indicates that differential growth may destabilize heterogeneous democracies internally. In democratic societies, political power is distributed according to popular support in elections. A changing balance between groups may thus alter the distribution of power in regimes where ethnic, linguistic or religious divisions to a certain extent determine voting behavior, and this may potentially lead to political instability and ultimately civil conflict. We argue that the relationship between differential growth and instability and violence may be even more important in semidemocracies with electoral systems, but with weak and inconsistent political institutions. We start from the premise that, for differential growth to become a potential driver of instability and violent conflict, information about such change has to be recorded with a national census and actually published. In a cross-national time-series study we investigate whether countries publishing identity data from censuses are at a greater risk of experiencing low-intensity armed conflict. We find that the effect of publishing data on group size is indeed mediated through political institutions. In countries with stable institutions, publication of population identity data is associated with a lower risk of conflict, whereas unstable institutional arrangements are associated with an increase conflict risk when publishing such data.

scholarly journals Class Conflict, Political Crisis and the Breakdown of Democratic Practices in Costa Rica: Reassessing the Origins of the 1948 Civil War

1991 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabrice Edouard Lehoucq
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Costa Rican ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Satisfactory Response ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Democratic Practices

The 1948 Costa Rican civil war stands as the most significant breakdown of emerging democratic practices in what many believe is a country with a democratic destiny. No other political conflict has so polarised the country and cost so many lives. Nor has any other civil war so influenced the way analysts view and understand the development of democratic institutions in Costa Rica. Why political actors in Costa Rica settled their disputes on the battlefield, however, is a question that has yet to generate a satisfactory response.

scholarly journals National Sovereignty and Popular Overeignty in the Making of Finnish Independence and the Civil War of 1918

2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-160
Author(s):  
Ilkka Liikanen
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Recent Discussion ◽  
National Sovereignty ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Modern Politics ◽  
The 1960S

In the following an attempt is made to summarize the basic lines of the academic discussion on the character of the Finnish civil war. I pose some questions concerning the nature of the conflict in terms of modern politics. Following the recent discussion on the contradictions of modern political culture, I will ask to what degree the war can be understood in terms of conflicting patterns of national sovereignty and popular sovereignty. In terms of historiography, the nature of the civil war of 1918 was defined during the interwar and Cold war periods mainly in two opposing ways. In the hegemonic academic tradition, the war was interpreted as a fight for national sovereignty, as the ‘war of liberation’. In the discourse close to the labour movement, the conflict was conceptualized as an internal matter, as a social conflict or a ‘class war’. First from the 1960s on, there have appeared new interpretations that have tried to cover both aspects of the crises and reassessed in what sense the war can be understood as a struggle for national sovereignty and to what degree it should be seen in the context of an internal social and political conflict.

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