Chapter I. Enthusiasm in Western Christendom to the Seventeenth Century

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Author(s):  
Miranda Anderson

The purpose of this chapter is to provide a background to current research in medieval and Renaissance studies on topics related to distributed cognition and to consider how the various chapters in this volume represent, reflect and advance work in this area. The volume brings together 14 chapters by international specialists working in the period between the ninth and the seventeenth century in the fields of law, history, drama, literature, art, music, philosophy, science and medicine. The chapters revitalise our reading of medieval and Renaissance works by bringing to bear recent insights in cognitive science and philosophy of mind on the distributed nature of cognition. Together the chapters make evident the ways in which particular notions and practices of distributed cognition emerged from the particular range of sociocultural and technological contexts that existed during this period. This chapter attempts to put these contributions in their wider research context by examining how such topics have been approached by mainstream scholarship, earlier work in the cognitive sciences and by existing applications of distributed cognition theory. It draws out both more general features of distributed cognition and what was distinctive about medieval and Renaissance insights into (and superstitions about) the cognitive roles of the body and environment. Throughout this chapter, I reference the chapters in this volume that provide further information on topics covered or take forward the issues in question. In the concluding section, I turn to a fuller overview of the chapters themselves


Author(s):  
Jean-Christophe Bardout

The reception of Descartes in the second half of the seventeenth century took very different forms, which have been the subject of numerous and documented studies. On this subject, we cannot limit ourselves to categories that are too simplistic. Descartes had faithful disciples and resolute adversaries; he also had critical readers, combining admiration and the conviction that his philosophy, as revolutionary as it is, had to be both followed and reformed. The Oratorian Nicolas Malebranche (1638–1715), who passes for one of the greatest French Cartesians, surely counts among the number of readers who wants to be Cartesian, without however being understood as a disciple of Descartes. Malebranche himself has perfectly expressed the nature of his Cartesianism in declaring, at the end of his first work, the Search after Truth (Recherche de la vérité; 1674–5): “I admit however that I owe to Descartes or to his manner of doing philosophy the opinions that I oppose to his, and the boldness to criticize him.” In this chapter I attempt to clarify the sense of this remarkably ambivalent affirmation with some examples.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey A. Bernstein

There is currently a paucity of literature relating to Agamben’s philosophical treatment of Spinoza (Julie Klein, Dimitris Vardoulakis and Miguel Vatter being notable exceptions).1 There has certainly been no attempt to show how Agamben’s manifold references to the seventeenth-century Dutch-Jewish philosopher form a constellation in his thought. In this chapter, I will attempt to bring those references together under the categorial headings of (1) ‘Living in the Middle Voice’ and (2) ‘The Contemplative Life as Inoperativity’. I choose these categories because Agamben’s key concern (as I read him) involves radically rethinking the figures of ‘life’ and ‘living’ as well as providing a new apologia for contemplation. First, however, a few methodological remarks.


Author(s):  
Stewart Duncan

This chapter investigates Locke’s views about materialism, by looking at the discussion in Essay IV.x. There Locke—after giving a cosmological argument for the existence of God—argues that God could not be material, and that matter alone could never produce thought. In discussing the chapter, I pay particular attention to some comparisons between Locke’s position and those of two other seventeenth-century philosophers, René Descartes and Ralph Cudworth. Making use of those comparisons, I argue for two main claims. The first is that the important argument of Essay IV.x.10 is fundamentally an argument about the causation of perfections. Indeed, Locke gives multiple such arguments in the chapter. My second main claim is that my proposed reading of IV.x is not merely consistent with what Locke says elsewhere about superaddition, but also provides reasons to favor a particular understanding of what superaddition is.


Author(s):  
Meredith McNeill Hale

This chapter considers the evolution of the political print from 1500 through the mid-seventeenth century. This discussion examines satirical strategies employed by printmakers working at four key historical moments—the Reformation in Germany, the Dutch revolt from Spain, the French wars of religion, and the Commonwealth in England—in order to provide a larger context for the assessment of Romeyn de Hooghe’s innovation of the genre. Two strategies dominate the political prints considered in this chapter: (i) those that employ animal imagery, such as the animal fable and the animal hybrid; and (ii) those that feature individual human protagonists. This chapter introduces three themes that feature prominently throughout the book: (i) the elision of boundaries between man and animal; (ii) the treatment of the satirized body; and (iii) the inter-relationship between text and image. It is shown that the finished, closed, and choreographed body of formal portraiture that dominates earlier political prints gives way in De Hooghe’s satires to the expansive, gaping, and uncontrollable body that has been associated with the genre ever since.


Author(s):  
Anthony Scioli

Abstract In this chapter, I review psychology’s contributions to the study of hope. To close potential gaps in this interdisciplinary volume, I include work in psychiatry and nursing. The nearly 400-year history of psychological reflections on hope reveals extended stretches of neglect, alternating with brief flashes of interest. Shifting scientific paradigms are partly to blame. However, I suggest that the greatest challenge for investigators seeking scientific consensus on the topic may be cultural and sociopolitical. I begin with a review of the most significant writings and research on hope, dating back to the seventeenth century. I examine goal-related approaches in greater depth, due to their strong influence on the field of psychology. The latter half of this chapter is more critical and prescriptive. For a deeper commentary, I rely on Markus’s (Meas Interdisciplinary Res Perspect 6:54–77, 2008) distinction between constructs and concepts as well as Danziger’s (Naming the mind: How psychology found its language. Sage Publications, 1997) observation on how psychology found its lexicon. This middle, diagnostic section includes a review of philosophy of science criteria for evaluating theories. I transition to general prescriptions for achieving a better understanding of hope, organized around Bacon’s “four idols” of the mind, and add specific suggestions for future research. I conclude with a summary of recent work within our hope lab.


2021 ◽  
pp. 35-79
Author(s):  
Christel Annemieke Romein

AbstractIn this chapter I focuss on the specific case of the Duchy of Jülich. A war of succession at the early seventeenth century had led to considerable turmoil: the emperor did not recognise Duke Wolfgang Wilhelm as a legitimate heir. As de facto ruler, the duke attempted to protect his inhabitants by establishing an army. Conducting war was a considerable financial burden. As long as the war lasted the financialpressure on the principality increased and criticism grew. The nobility’s cry for help was voiced in invitations to join in an assembly in the Free City of Cologne to discuss the welfare of the fatherland. All loyal patriots were invited. During these meetings, the patriots drafted pamphlets to inform both German and Dutch speaking readers about the turmoil they faced and about the possible misuse of power by the duke. It was only after the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 that the duke acknowledged the nobilities best intentions for the not their(!) fatherland.


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