scholarly journals Territori i relacions institucionals a la Catalunya del Sis-cents. Tres estudis de cas a partir dels processos de la Visita del General de Catalunya

Author(s):  
Ricard Torra

Resum: Aquest article analitza tres casos diferents jutjats i sentenciats per la Visita del General de Catalunya durant les primeres dècades del segle XVII. L’estudi d’aquests processos ens permet acostar-nos al paper que tingué la institució fiscalitzadora a l’hora de controlar els oficials públics de la Diputació del General de Catalunya, observar-ne el desplegament arreu del territori i, finalment, sintetitzar quin era l’estat de les relacions entre la Diputació del General i la Visita del General just acabada la Guerra dels Segadors. Els dos primers casos s’emmarquen dins de la Visita duta a terme entre 1629 i 1630 i, més concretament, en la inspecció forana que els delegats designats pel consistori central de Barcelona dugueren a terme a la col·lecta (i. e. demarcació fiscal) de Vilafranca de Conflent. El tercer cas té lloc pocs anys després del final de la Guerra dels Segadors (1640-1652), essent-ne els actors principals el consistori dels diputats i oïdors de comptes del trienni de 1654-1656 i els visitadors de 1654-1655.    Paraules clau: Història institucional, Generalitat de Catalunya, Visita del General, Monarquia Hispànica, segle XVII.     Abstract: This article studies three different cases judged by the Visita of the Generality of Catalonia within the first decades of the 17th Century. Thanks to its study, we can comprehend the role developed by the Visita in controlling the actions of the public officers of the Generality of Catalonia during the whole century, how the Generality was established around the territories of the Principality of Catalonia and the political relations amongst the major institutions in Catalonia in the mid-1650’s. The first two cases that we want to analyse took place during the inspection conducted by the Visita of the Generality of Catalonia of 1629-1630 within the tax district of Vilafranca de Conflent, which focused their attention on its public officers. The third case, which took place after the conclusion of the Reaper’s War (1640-1652), pays particular attention to the relation between the diputats and the oïdors de comptes of the Generality of Catalonia of 1654-1656, the commanders of the institution, and the visitadors of 1654-1655.   Keywords: Institutional history, Generality of Catalonia, Visita of the Generality of Catalonia, Spanish Monarchy, 17th Century.

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
David Broadstock ◽  
Xiaoqi Chen ◽  
C. S. Agnes Cheng ◽  
Wenli Huang

ABSTRACT We investigate whether the aggregated political relations of a firm's top management team (TMT) add value to the firm's performance. We distinguish between the political relations that arise from TMT's own work experience, which are termed direct political connections (DPC), and the relations that TMT develops from working for the same institution with the government officials, which are termed implicit political connections (IPC). We find that IPC are positively associated with firm performance and that they often have a stronger effect than DPC do. We also find that the effect of IPC on firm value is stronger in SOEs and in firms located in under-developed provinces. Moreover, we find that after the anti-corruption campaign, the effect of DPC decreases but the effect of IPC does not significantly change. Overall, our results suggest the importance of investigating a firm's aggregated political connections, especially its IPC. JEL Classifications: G32; D72; J33; L33. Data Availability: Data are available from the public sources cited in the text.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.


1988 ◽  
Vol 82 (3) ◽  
pp. 853-874 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel A. Almond

Three important questions are raised by the “return to the state” movement of recent years. First, are the pluralist, structural functionalist, and Marxist literatures of political science societally reductionist, as this movement contends? Second, does the neostatist paradigm remedy these defects and provide a superior analytical model? Third, regardless of the substantive merits of these arguments, are there heuristic benefits flowing from this critique of the literature? Examination of the evidence leads to a rejection of the first two criticisms. The answer to the third question is more complex. There is merit to the argument that administrative and institutional history has been neglected in the political science of the last decades. This is hardly a “paradigmatic shift”; and it has been purchased at the exorbitant price of encouraging a generation of graduate students to reject their professional history and to engage in vague conceptualization.


Author(s):  
Nayanjot Lahiri

This book interleaves the history of post-Independence archaeology in India with the life and times of Madhukar Narhar Deshpande (1920–2008), a leading Indian archaeologist who went on to become the director-general of the Archaeological Survey of India. Spanning nearly a century, this is a tale about the circumstances which brought men like Deshpande to this career path; what it was like to grow up in a family devoted to India’s freedom; the watershed moment that created a large cohort that was trained by Mortimer Wheeler, the doyen of British archaeology who headed the Archaeological Survey in the twilight years of the British Raj; the unknown conservation stories around the Gol Gumbad in Bijapur and the Qutb Minar in Delhi; the forgotten story of how the fabric of a historic Hindu shrine, the Badrinath temple, was saved; the chemistry shared by the prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and the archaeologist, Deshpande at historic cave shrines like Ajanta and Ellora, and; the political and administrative challenges faced by director generals of archaeology. The story is told through a main character—Deshpande himself—some of whose writings have been included here. Equally, there are others who figure in the narrative as it reconstructs and recounts the story of Indian archaeology after 1947 through those lives as also through the institutional history of the Archaeological Survey and the processes that were central to the discoveries it made and the challenges it faced.


2018 ◽  
pp. 12-33
Author(s):  
Iná Elias De Castro

RESUMOEste artigo se propõe debater as condições para a transformação dos espaços públicos em espaços políticos e responder como isto ocorre. A tese defendida é a de que os espaços públicos são espaços do cotidiano social urbano e não possuem uma essência política, embora possam tornar-se espaços políticos quando invadidos por fenômenos da política que transformam temporariamente suas rotinas e seu público usual. O texto está dividido em três partes. Na primeira, a política é conceituada como um sistema institucional e operacional de resolução de conflitos de interesses, apresentando os riscos da falácia, muito comum na literatura sociológica, de considerar a política como uma esfera abstrata. Na segunda, o espaço político é apresentado como um conceito, que apesar da origem na ciência política, foi apropriado e ampliado na geografia política como espaço de ação das políticas públicas e das leis, mas também dos movimentos sociais e dos atos políticos. Na terceira, são elaborados os argumentos da tese central deste texto, respondendo à questão sobre as circunstâncias em que os espaços públicos podem se transformar em espaços políticos.Palavras-chave: Espaço político; espaço público; mobilizações políticas. ABSTRACTThis article proposes to discuss the conditions for the transformation of public spaces into political spaces and to respond how this occurs. The thesis defended is that public spaces are spaces of everyday urban social and do not have a political essence, although they may become political spaces when invaded by phenomena of politics that temporarily transform their routines and their usual public. The text is divided into three parts. In the first, politics is conceptualized as an institutional and operational system for resolving conflicts of interest, presenting the risks of the fallacy, very common in the sociological literature, of considering politics as an abstract sphere. In the second, the political space is presented as a concept, that despite the origin in political science, was appropriated and expanded in political geography as a space for action of public policies and laws, but also for social movements and political acts. In the third part, the arguments of the central thesis of this text are elaborated, answering the question about the circumstances in which the public spaces can turn into political spaces.Keywords: Political space; public space; political mobilizations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (8) ◽  
pp. 28-41
Author(s):  
Vladimir I. Peftiev ◽  

The article presents and analyzes the political changes announced and anticipated by the mid-20s of the XXI century. The main factors shaping the public demand for change have been systematized. The author substantiates the conclusion that national projects mark the third stage in the evolution of strategic management matrices after a) targeted assignments (Soviet five-year plans) and b) target figures (indicative planning and targets of the globalization era). It is shown that the quintessence of the constitutional reform lies in the proportionate and coordinated participation of the President and the State Duma in forming the federal government, the key link in the executive power in Russia. The assumption is made that political parties in Russia are moving towardcentrism and consensual practice. There is a de jure and de facto imbalance in the realization of the civil rights to work and education. Russia seeks to balance sovereignty with the challenges of globalization, being an active mediator in resolving international conflicts (Syria, Iran, North Korea, Ukraine). It is recommended that the privatization transactions of the 1990s should be legitimized. The author is guided by the warning of the ancient thinkers kairos: “Political transformations should be done not too early, but not too late”.


2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 398-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Rowbottom

AbstractThis article looks at the public disclosure of political donations as a case study to examine the role of transparency in addressing concerns about undue influence and corruption. The article will explore three issues. The first is to understand what it means to say that a political donation is corrupt. There is considerable disagreement on the ethics of political fundraising and this article will show how public opinion has a role in setting the standards expected of politicians. The second issue is what role the public disclosure of political donations plays in deterring and detecting corruption. While the disclosure requirements were introduced to promote greater trust in politics, it will be argued that increases in transparency have fed a growing culture of mistrust. The logic of the transparency requirements also requires the free public discussion of particular political donations and related ethical issues. The third issue is how that process of free discussion can come into tension with rights to privacy and reputation. The article will explore how the attempts to reconcile the different areas of law both reflect and shape the political culture.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 105-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugh Corder ◽  
Cora Hoexter

Abstract This article identifies three senses of the term ‘lawfare’ in the South African context. In the first and most standard sense of the term, law was abused by the state during the pre-democratic era in order to construct a racist state. In the second sense, litigation was used in the period 1910–1993 as a weapon of the weak by those excluded from the franchise, in order to resist oppression and rule by law. The third sense of lawfare overlaps with the second but is associated with the judicialisation of politics in the era of constitutional democracy. It refers to the use of litigation to resolve contentious political disputes in spite of the existence of many non-curial constitutional safeguards. Using examples, the article shows that lawfare in this third sense was a feature of the presidency of Jacob Zuma and that it was triggered by the rise of nepotism, corruption and state capture well as the abdication of governance responsibilities to the judiciary. It argues that because the courts have been drawn into the public arena and thrust into a relationship of constant tension with the political branches, the judiciary has become the primary casualty of this barrage of lawfare.


Politeja ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (53) ◽  
pp. 127-149
Author(s):  
Tadeusz Kopyś

With the disintegration of Yugoslavia, all the balances in the Balkans were altered and the instability that arose from this process reached a level that threatened international peace. The historical ties between the peoples of Turkey and countries of the region have extended until today. There are Turkish minorities and communities as well as kin communities in the Balkan countries on the one hand; whereas there are citizens of Balkan‑origin in Turkey on the other. Turkey aims to initiate a psychological breakthrough in the Balkans to undo the negative memories of the past. At the regional level, Turkey follows three different sets of policies. The first is to develop bilateral relations to the possible highest extent. The second track is the creation of trilateral mechanisms, such as between Turkey, Serbia, and Bosnia; and Turkey, Croatia, and Bosnia‑Herzegovina. The third track aims to achieve region‑wide cooperation efforts and foster economic interdependence to secure the future of the political relations.


Author(s):  
Eva Meijer

This book develops a theory of political animal voices in three steps. The first part focuses on language. Drawing on insights from recent studies in biology and ethology, it challenges a view of language as exclusively human and argues that other animals speak. It also investigates the relation between developing common languages and creating common interspecies worlds. The second part of this book focuses on interspecies politics; it challenges an anthropocentric demarcation of the political and develops an alternative, which takes into account non-human animal agency and interspecies political relations. The third and final part of the book draws on the insights about language and politics developed in the first two parts to investigate how existing political practices and institutions can be extended to incorporate non-human animal political voices, and to explore new ways of interacting with other animals politically. In addition to the theoretical chapters, the author discusses two case studies. In the first, she draws on her experiences of learning how to live with a stray dog from Romania. In the second, she focuses on the goose-human conflict in the Netherlands.


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